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The Final Phase – Element I

PAWNS OF THE NO FIRE ZONE – Accurate Accounts of a Freedom Fighter during the Final stage of War in Sri Lanka.
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De Facto Chief Justice Says The Only Individual Who Knows Everything Is Gotabaya

In an appalling show of his close affiliations with the Rajapaksas, de facto Chief Justice Mohan Pieris has stated in Courts these days that the ‘only individual who knows every thing is the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence Secretary.

Pieris and Gotabaya

Pieris and Gotabaya

This remark had been created by Pieris today throughout the hearing of a Basic Rights application (No: 414/14) where a group of Agricultural engineers/professionals had challenged the new service minutes, pointing out it has deprived them of getting promoted to higher positions in the Agricultural Department due to being forced to remain portion of the Sri Lanka administrative service.

While the case was being heard, Pieris had told that he is properly conscious and knowledgeable on solid waste management and agriculture and had gone on to criticize the engineers, calling them ‘useless’. At this point, the lawyer appearing on behalf of the petitioners, Manohara De Silva had pointed out the de facto CJ should not let his personal information interfere with the ongoing case although adding that the only information that should be applied is legal expertise.

Even so, Pieris had dismissed De Silva’s statement adding that as a judge, he has the power to refer to his individual expertise as effectively.

As the hearing proceeded, specific comments had been made on the Colombo Municipal Council, which is not at all relevant to the case that was becoming heard. However, Pieris had continued to comment on it as he moved on to speak about the Sathutu Uyana fund, which he had claimed was initially mismanaged but is now in right hands of MOD Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

“The only person who knows almost everything is the Defence Secretary. He also knows about waste management,” the de facto CJ had stated shamelessly violating skilled ethics and the independence of the judiciary. Manohara de Silva had responded to this claim stating, “But I do not want him to do the job of my customers.”

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Speech delivered by Prof Arie Kruglanski – USA at ‘Defence Seminar – 2012’

Speech delivered by Prof Arie Kruglanski - USA at 'Defence Seminar - 2012'

Speech delivered by Prof Arie Kruglanski – USA at ‘Defence Seminar – 2012’ Ministry of Defence – Sri Lanka.

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Foreign Affairs

Yes We Can. But Will We?

By Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Tyranny, like hell, is not simply conquered.” – Paine (The American Crisis)

Hopefully it is a fabrication, created in Medamulana, like the ‘news’ of America softening its stance towards Sri Lanka or Premier Modi wanting the TNA to participate in the newest All Parties Conference.

ranill-anura- colombotelegraphAccording to Irida Divaina, the JVP has decided to boycott the Presidential election, if Mahinda Rajapaksa is a candidate[i]. The logic is that President Rajapaksa can’t contest for the third time and if he does so it will be an illegal act which in turn will transform the election into an illegal exercising. The JVP, it is becoming reported, will neither field a candidate in such an illegal election, nor take part in a joint oppositional alliance. Alternatively the JVP will conduct a national campaign, educating the voters about the illegal nature of the election.

In other words, the JVP will (implicitly or explicitly) advocate an election boycott. It will confuse, confound and demoralise the anti-Rajapaksa camp and deprive the opposition of tens of thousands of a lot necessary votes. That such an outcome will advantage none but the Rajapaksas is apparent and certain.

This may be the JVP’s way out of its personal political conundrum. Anura Kumara Dissanayake is a marvellous speaker, factual, logical and forceful. But his leadership is not enough to make an sufficient turnaround in the JVP’s electoral fortunes. The Uva elections indicated, as did earlier provincial polls, that the JVP will fare incredibly badly if it contests the presidency separately. The JVP is certainly reluctant to assistance a UNP candidate. Since among them, Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe, seemed to have killed the prospect of a joint oppositional platform, the JVP is attempting to locate a face-saving formula.

Did the Rajapaksas – or their allies – have something to do with the JVP’s surreally stupid decision? Following all, the Rajapaksas reportedly bribed the LTTE for imposing an election boycott on Tamil voters in 2005. Vellupillai Pirapaharan would have created the decision since he was rearing to unleash the Final Eelam War, but he clearly did not mind generating some economic gains, on the side. Mr. Pirapaharan was not a Rajapaksa stooge he was not in cahoots with the Rajapaksas. He was, or thought he was, getting diabolically clever. He was going to aid Mahinda Rajapaksa into energy, take Rajapaksa money and use it to defeat the Rajapaksa government in the battlefield. We know how that program ended.

If the boycott-story is accurate, the JVP is remaking Vellupillai Pirapaharan’s deadly mistake. The Rajapaksas will use the JVP boycott to win the election and then, getting secured familial rule by appointing a Rajapaksa as PM, will hammer the opposition into submission, which includes the JVP. Just as ordinary Tigers and ordinary Tamils paid the price tag of Vellupillai Pirapaharan’s colossal inanity, ordinary JVPers and their families will have to pay the price of JVP leaders’ hara-kiri logic.

Hopefully sense will prevail, and the JVP will abandon this suicidal-homicidal choice. But the very fact that such an inane thought has been mooted, plus the divisive and destructive conduct of Sajith Premadasa and his cohorts, indicates that the Uva Guarantee can well turn into a mirage, an additional tragic may possibly-have-been. (Sajith Premadasa conduct is the opposite of his father’s. Ranasinghe Premadasa worked, harder than every person else, for the party sans situations. His attitude was “First we will canvass the whole nation and then ask for our due place”[ii].)

The outburst of post-election violence in Uva (which reached unprecedented levels) is yet another signal of coming events. The Rajapaksas are not going to go, lawfully and democratically. They will do every thing they can, from trickery to thuggary, to remain.

“Better to destroy than to make cost-free,” Schiller’s Grand Inquisitor tells a wavering King Philip in Don Carols. That would be the Rajapaksa attitude, as Siblings, Sons and Nephews ready themselves to face a suddenly not-so-specific future.

The Plague of Tyranny

Jean-Claude Duvalier, ‘Baby Doc’, died yesterday of organic causes. At 19 years he inherited the presidency from his father and ruled supreme for the subsequent 14 years. Francois ‘Papa Doc’ Duvalier came to power electorally and transformed Haiti into a tyranny and himself into its president-for-life. Over the subsequent numerous decades, the Duvaliers made Haiti into a byword for repression and murder, poverty and backwardness.

The still ongoing plight of Haiti indicates that receiving rid of a tyrant may turn out to be the straightforward element. Recovering from tyranny is a far arduous task. Restoring to well being institutions and human habits undermined by tyranny frequently proves to be beyond the frail capacities of newly liberated lands and their newly free of charge individuals. The longer a tyranny lasts, the tougher it is to create a democracy on its ruins. This is especially so exactly where tyrants have undermined and destroyed all countervailing powers and institutions, turning nations into their private/familial preserves.

Mahinda Vatican PopeThe inclusion of de facto Chief Justice Mohan Pieris in the presidential delegation to Vatican demonstrates (again) the degradation of one particular of the most fundamental pillars of the state. Right now the upper judiciary is a mere appendage of the Ruling Family. If the Rajapaksas can be evicted next year, it may nevertheless be feasible to repair the damage and restore the judiciary to overall health. But if Rajapaksa rule continues for a lot of a lot more years, the virus of subservience will infect the entirety of that august institution and even the memory of judiciary as an independent pillar of state will vanish. The next generation, like the next generation of judges and lawyers, will think it natural and normal for the judiciary to act as an instrument of Rajapaksa energy.

As Joachim Fest pointed out, “At initial the numerous violations of the law by our new rulers nonetheless caused a degree of disquiet…. quickly life went on as if such crimes had been the most all-natural factor in the world”[iii].

Rulers set trends. We learnt to drink tea from the British. The Sinhala-Buddhist morality espoused by Anagarika Dharmapala and his ideological descendents is much more akin to English Puritanism, German Calvinism and Victorian values. The colourful costume worn by the Kandyan kings and aristocracy (which goes by the misnomer, ‘Mul Anduma’, original dress) was naturally copied from the European fashions of the 15th/16th century, brought to Lanka by the Portuguese. These days the kurrakkan shawl of the Rajapaksas has grow to be a fashion accessory among the new elite and these aspiring to that status. Rank nepotism, abuse, impunity and intolerance are some of the Rajapaksa values which are percolating into larger society. 5 far more years of this contamination, and even the ousting of the Rajapaksas will not suffice to bring Lanka back to overall health and sense.

The Opposition has been buoyed by Uva. But Uva represents a possible, a chance, an opportunity and not a certainty. The Rajapaksas will do everything in their energy to avert the opposition from capitalising on Uva. The unresolved crisis in the UNP and the JVP’s choice to boycott elections are merely the 1st stumbling blocks in the opposition’s achievable path to victory.

Uva opened a trapdoor. It can be widened into an exit for the Rajapaksas.

It can be done. But will we do it?


[i] JVP concerns statement about presidential elections: If Mahinda Comes We won’t – Irida Divayina – five.ten.2014

[ii] Quoted in ‘President Premadasa and I: Our Story’ – B Sirisena Cooray

[iii] Not Me: Memories of a German Childhood

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Post July 1983 & JOSSOP: A New Kind Of War

By Rajan Hoole –

Dr. Rajan Hoole

Dr. Rajan Hoole

Border Aggression and Civilian Massacres – Component 3

We saw in earlier chapters that Gandhiyam and other social service NGOs assisting Tamils in these border areas had been getting targetted from late 1982. Gandhiyam was sealed in April 1983 and its leaders detained. On the eve of the July ’83 violence Gamini Dissanayake created veiled threats of robust-arm techniques against Tamils settled in areas earmarked for Sinhalese colonisation (Chapter five). In the prison massacre, Dr. Rajasundaram, probably the single most active worker among these refugees in the field, was murdered by the State in a most contemptible manner.

In the weeks following the July violence there was an air of impunity and anarchy and also, as we shall see, grand plans to drive away the Tamil settlers and even destroy old Tamil villages along border places and put in militarised Sinhalese settlements. And whom did these strategists decide on as their model? Why, Israel of course! Gamini Dissanayake was at the forefront and for him it was a continuation of what was begun just before the July 1983 violence. He was soon joined by Ravi Jayewardene who, as the President’s security advisor, was a important figure at operational level.

On the 1 hand Jayewardene was speaking to the Indian Government’s envoy G. Parthasarathy who was attempting to push by means of a political settlement to the ethnic dilemma, but on the other he was making overtures to the US in a bid to obtain a military remedy. The num- ber of Tamil militants nevertheless was then tiny and the escalation sought by Jayewardene was to prove really expensive.

In the afternoon of 30th September 1983, the US Defence Secretary Casper Weinberger flew into Colombo and had talks with President Jayewardene for the duration of a short stopover. This was picked up by the Indian Press, which speculated about US military help to Sri Lanka in re- turn for naval facilities at Trincomalee. The manner in which the Sri Lankan foreign ministry dealt with the matter was to look for difficulty where none existed. They issued a statement that Weinberger had decided to take this route whilst flying from Peking to Islamabad in Pakistan, and had made a refuelling cease in Colombo. They stressed that it was none of India’s business. While Weinberger was here on a 90 minute stopover, the statement said, Jayewardene invited him to tea and they met. The Foreign Ministry by its haughty attitude gave an impression that a favourable deal with a super energy was involved. These developments have been the context in which the Indian Government took a choice in late 1983 to train and arm Tamil militant groups.

What the US was hunting for, would grow to be clear later. The US and Britain did not want to confront India by becoming straight involved in Sri Lanka. The Weekend columnist Don Mithuna (30.9.84), quoting the London Economist, mentioned: “The Americans produced up for their own cold-shoul- dering of Sri Lanka by offering a go-among, Gen- eral Vernon Walters, who helped to draft the agree- ment signed last Might (1984) with Israel.” Regardless of denials by the US Embassy in Colombo, that there had been some direct US help is suggested by the American author of Only Man is Vile. William Mc Gowan quoted a Sri Lankan Air Force pilot telling him (in 1987) that a Vietnam War veteran had flown several operations in this country.

Sri Lanka had broken diplomatic ties with Israel in 1970 in maintaining with a Third Globe consensus when the Left-leaning government led by Mrs. Bandaranaike was voted into energy. Jayewardene’s government that was elected in 1977 was anxious for Israeli help. That it had produced speak to with Israel ahead of the July 1983 violence was confirmed in an interview to the veteran journalist Mervyn de Silva by Mr. David Matnai, initial head of the Israeli Interests Section in the US Embassy (Sunday Island two.9.85).

There was a single matter regarding which sections of both the Sinhalese and the Tamil elite drew inspiration from Israel &#8211 the border places of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The former saw in the Israeli example a indicates to breaking the back of Tamil nationalist aspira- tions and preserving a unitary Sri Lanka below the hegemony of the Sinhalese elite. The Tamil elite saw in it a means of securing the sparsely populated border areas from additional intrusions by the State by means of colonisation. The Western Jewry’s Zionist dream of Israel, was made viable by absorbing a large quantity of Shepardim Jews who till then had been living with dignity among the Arab individuals, and to whom Israel’s violent and iniquitous creation brought insecu- rity. The Sinhalese and Tamil elite’s border projects also, like the Zionist dream, had to be accomplished by proxy.

The Sinhalese elite looked to pushing militarised colonies of deprived Sinhalese into the North-East in an Israeli West-Bank style ex- pansion into Arab territory. Numerous amongst the Tamil elite drew inspiration from Leon Uris’ Exodus which glorified the pioneering spirit of post Planet War II Jewish refugees in Palestine. Although young Tamil school leavers were can- vassed, it was largely the Tamil refugees from the Hill Nation with couple of other options in the globe who settled in these regions.

According to Sinha Ratnatunga, President Jayewardene entrusted the process of creating con- tact with Israel to his son Ravi in October 1983. Thereafter Cabinet Secretary G.V.P. Samarasinghe had a secret meeting with senior Israeli officials in Europe in the course of November 1983 (see Ratnatunge’s Politics of Terrorism p.162). The deal for Israeli intelligence knowledge was finalised later throughout UN Common Assembly ses- sions in New York and was formally operational by May possibly 1984.

Sinha Ratnatunga (p.315 of the book above) gives us an insight into the mind of the Sinha- lese establishment: “The President who is also the Minister of State Plantations also hopes to increase the plantation business in the Eastern Province. The twin objective is to develop the unused land as effectively as establish a stronger presence of the State in the area&#8230 At the initial stage, separatist [i.e. Tamil] youths objecting to such programmes could attempt to disrupt its workings, but the newly established Planters Corp [sic] supported by the typical forces might be required to defend these schemes.”

This euphemistic description no doubt takes into account the sensibilities of the Australian readership of the book. Interestingly, Don Mithuna says in the write-up of September 1984 quoted above: “The Israeli Interests Section itself has reportedly claimed that they are right here not to train any soldiers but to promote their diplomatic image as well as for “agricultural” purposes.” Mervyn de Silva told the Mossad Commission (CDN 20.7.91) that as of August 1984, there were re- portedly up to six domestic intelligence authorities from Israel operating with the Government ‘to establish a new intelligence network against the Tamils’.

Against these developments it becomes easy to recognize what was in the Government’s thoughts when the Joint Services Particular Operations Command (JOSSOP) was formed on a directive from the President at the starting of October in 1983. It was a joint organisation of the three solutions and the Police along with some civilians under Navy Commander Rear Admiral Asoka de Silva as Co-ordinator-in-Chief. Its stated purpose was to “co-ordinate anti-terrorist activities in the districts of Vavuniya, Mannar, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee” (Rohan Gunasekera, Island 13.11.84). Yet another important role of JOSSOP was to oversee civil affairs such as land- settlement.

With such a high-powered organisation in location, the 1st operation to the credit of the Rear Admiral was announced in the Press a week af- ter Casper Weinberger’s check out. It was described as a ‘flush out’ operation. It had nothing at all to do with flushing out ‘terrorists’ armed to the teeth who have been certainly quite scarce at that time. This was about corralling human beings, males, girls and youngsters, and deporting them to god knows exactly where. There was no direct connection with Weinberger of course, but the context sug- gests exactly where the Government was heading.

The item by Peter Balasuriya in the Island of 7th Oct.1983 titled ‘Gandhiyam Movement’s squat- ters to be evicted’, said: “&#8230 It is stated that more than fifty stateless families, comprising practically 250 males, women and youngsters had been brought from the program- tations and settled on 500 acres earmarked by the Government for the settlement of landless villagers inside the electorate under a Planet Bank project. This encroachment had started two years ago when the Gandhiyam Movement launched a large-scale encroachment in the jungle regions of Vavuniya and Mullaitivu and other places off Vavuniya.”

It claimed that beneath a land policy scheme with Planet Bank help, landless peasant families in the Vavuniya District had been picked by the Government Agent for settlement in 500 acres of virgin forest at Pavatkulam, but was unable to proceed due to the fact of encroachers sponsored by the Gandhiyam. The aim of the stated operation was clearly to establish a Sin- halese settlement making use of Globe Bank funds. It was barely two months after the communal violence and Tamil allotees, if any, were not going to take up land in the mixed region south of Vavuniya below the supervision of the armed forces they did not trust. Gamini Dissanayake was minister of lands and Mahaveli develop- ment, and what’s far more, the second-in-command at JOSSOP was D.J. Bandaragoda, Added Secretary, Mahaveli Improvement!

Bandaragoda had been the best Govern- ment Agent for Trincomalee from the point of view of the Sinhalese State, who used each and every sub- terfuge to push Sinhalese settlement. The cam- paign against the Gandhiyam by way of the Press was first orchestrated by the Government 10 months earlier, in the course of the 1-sided Referen- dum campaign, on 28th November 1982 (see Sect. eight.2). Mr. R. Sampanthan, MP, discovered it sin- ister adequate to contact Jayewardene immedi- ately. The reference to the Gandhiyam in the Press report cited (Island 7.ten.83) was symptom- atic of sick minds that had lost any sense of pro- portion. It stated at the end:

“The activities of the Gandhiyam move- ment and its leaders in Vavuniya and other components of the Eastern Province are now the sub- ject matter of investigations by the CID and ISD. Some of its leaders are currently in cus- tody while some escaped recently after the Batticaloa jail break.”

The truth was that Gandhiyam was completed. Its offices were sealed on 6th April 1983. Of the two leaders arrested, Rajasundaram was mur- dered and the ‘some’ who escaped was in truth one &#8211 A. David. These whom the Gandhiyam had looked soon after now faced the tender mercies of the JOSSOP. The talk of investigation by the CID and ISD was only a threat to these who may well come forward to continue Gandhiyam’s work. The nasty items often being said about Rajasundaram did not strike these say- ing them as utterly indecent and unfair to a self- less and committed man whom their agents had murdered with no giving him a opportunity to ex- plain himself in court. Living in this state of thoughts was to see ghosts, as with the alacrity with which the chiefs of the Mahaveli Authority in the wake of the anti-Tamil violence of July, took measures against imagined organised hordes of Tamils occupying lands they had designated for Sinhalese colonisation.

The trigger of the JOSSOP nonetheless necessary speaking the Gandhiyam to life and attributing to it all kinds of amazing actions in order to play on Sinhalese fears. This created a climate of self-justifying repression and a blind escalation of the conflict. With every step the Government was suspending the democratic signifies to right- ing a incorrect. About this time, thanks to the 6th Amendment, nearly all the parliamentary rep- resentatives of the Tamils had lost their seats in Parliament, producing thus a symbolic break. By the end of 1983, except for these most discern- ing about the consequences of big-energy in- volvement, practically all the Tamils have been pleased about India’s support for the Tamil militant groups. The Government’s simple-minded ar- rogance had carried relations with India to breaking point.

Speaking up organised hordes of Tamils en- croaching on borderlands with Gandhiyam aid was to be the stuff of orchestrated campaigns for the duration of those occasions. The use of foreign help to es- tablish militarised Sinhalese settlements became an situation with the publication of Viktor Ostrovsky’s book (see Sect. 20.five). This was pi- ously denied. But that was part of the game. We saw above an indication of how Planet Bank money was to be employed. Not extended ahead of, the Mahadivulwewa settlement had been estab- lished in the Trincomalee District employing subter- fuge to circumvent Tamil protest. The income involved came from the European Union.

To be continued..

*From Rajan Hoole‘s “Sri Lanka: Arrogance of Energy  – Myth, Decadence and Murder”. Thanks to Rajan for giving us permission to republish. To read earlier parts click right here

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Clarification And Investigation Into Nonis’s Resignation Is Crucial: Prof. Wijesinha

Clarifications and an investigation into the reports circulating with regard to High Commissioner Nonis’s assault and resignation is a need to taking into consideration their implication for Sri Lanka’s international relations, UPFA MP and political analyst Professor Rajiva Wijesinha says.

 Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Professor Wijesinha, when asked about his opinion on the &#8220Chris Nonis–Sajin Vass episode&#8220mentioned “The stories circulating with regard to Higher Commissioner Nonis’s resignation certainly need to have investigation as you recommend. What was reported of Minister Keheliya Rambukwella’s comments on in his resignation suggests confusion and provided the implications for our international relations, clarifications are vital.”

He also suggested this incident is in relation to the comments he has produced concerning a concerted try to take away the most effective and loyal non-profession diplomats in the service and accused External Affairs Ministry Secretary Kshenuka Seneviratne of getting behind a lot of of the these attempts.

“There is an attempt to take away effective and loyal non-career diplomats we have, Dayan in Paris, Tamara in Geneva, Asitha Perera in Rome, Palitha Kohona in New York, and later I think even Sarath Kongahage in Berlin and Chris Nonis in London. So the alleged motives for the assault of Chris are fascinating, not least since a single of these envoys told me some time back that Sajin thinks he runs Kshenuka but the reality is the other way round,” he told Colombo Telegraph.

He went on to state that despite these warning signs, it is unfortunate that the President continues to entrust foreign relations to Senevirathne, Vass and GL Peiris as Sri Lanka is bound to fail if the country’s foreign relations continue to remain in their hands.

“But those whom the gods wish to destroy they 1st make mad &#8211 and drink can contribute to this, if reports are appropriate,” he added.

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Sri Lanka More UNP stalwarts assistance the President

Sri Lanka Far more UNP stalwarts help the President.
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Sri Lanka Defence Secretary responds to the Bar Association

Sri Lanka Defence Secretary responds to the Bar Association.
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An Open Letter To The President: Be The Adjust!

By Chandra Jayaratne

Chandra Jayaratne

Chandra Jayaratne

Dear Mr. President,

“You should be the change you want to see in the world”

The Sri Lankan Lion roared at the 69th Session of the UN General Assembly reminding the worldwide neighborhood that “…, in order to achieve the self-assurance and goodwill of the international community as a whole, but a single of the important requirements was consistency of standards across the board with no any perceptions of selectivity or discrimination. It is in this context that the present functioning of the program demands fresh examination in order to boost its credibility. To be productive, this procedure must involve de-politicisation of the UN Technique and mechanisms and they have to cease getting hostage to various types of funding…”

At the exact same time a lion cub on behalf of the Sri Lankan Lion roared in Geneva, stating “…The government of Sri Lanka does not want to support legitamise a flawed procedure and have a detrimental precedent established….What Sri Lanka wants at this juncture is to be encouraged and not impeded….the principled opposition to the OHCHR investigation stems from numerous properly founded issues its politically motivated agenda it challenges the sovereignty and the independence…it violates a basic principle of international law…… by appointment of high level international figures, who are by no indicates ’technical experts relevant to the investigation’ …lack of transparency of the investigation is in clear contravention of the principles of all-natural justice…arbitrary and selective action……deviation from established mandates and processes….addressing accountability problems has to be primarily based on accessible evidence properly sourced and verified…updates replete with accusations and unsubstantiated statistics…”

Mahinda @UN 2014Are these quite same criticisms not be equally applicable to Sri Lanka and all its people, as well as its businesses and civil society, especially in relation to the internal governance and Executive action within Sri Lanka? If so, will not the prescription of a fresh examination of the current functioning of the system and a de-politicisation of the method and mechanisms of governance not be an essential priority alter in Sri Lanka as nicely?

Who can disregard the priority want for de-politisation of the method assurance that independent persons of integrity, capability and verified track record are at the helm of Public Life, (like in the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary) Public Institutions and Regulatory bodies act with independence and with commitment to principles of natural justice the application of the Rule of law and Justice Systems are transparent, unbiased, fair and just selections to high posts are persons with requisite technical and expert experience sans nepotism and cronyism equality is a right of all citizens and they are not discriminated by race, religion, status, political leaning nor by their voice of advocacy : national resource allocations are fair and equitable and based on priority demands of all citizens state spends are economic, efficient and powerful for goal and not tainted by waste and corruption policy and regulatory systems comply with very best practices and are not impacted by state capture nor corruption deviations from established mandates and processes are transparent and uphold principles of natural justice accountability is demanded from all primarily based on proof statistics are precise and transparent transparent Environmental, Ecological and Social Influence assessments precede all new initiatives legal and regulatory reforms are prioritized and are in accord with principles of organic justice Media Freedoms are not directly or indirectly controlled and Voices of Advocacy are not treated as voices of ‘traitors’ Democratic and Human Rights are protected and International Commitments are upheld:

By way of a “Reflection” it is time to trace back and validate regardless of whether the current history of governance and administration, specifically over the last two years have upheld in Sri Lanka the very very same principles referred to above. An independent view seen by way of a transparent eye of integrity will bring out the numerous deviations and discriminatory practices in governance.

Mr. President, if you had been to concentrate on a series of discriminatory acts of governance targeting a single neighborhood, based on unfair perceptions and unjust accusations, wit related attempts to handle and restrict the freedom of association, activities and expressions of a community, please evaluation the recent actions of the government targeting the NGO Neighborhood. Do these actions and proposed legislative reforms, believed to be championed by the Defense establishment, pass the quite very same principles you and the government articulated before the UN General Assembly and the UNHRC?

Mr. President, in order to gain the confidence and goodwill of the Sri Lankan neighborhood as a entire, accepting that the Sri Lankan Civil Society needs at this juncture to be encouraged and not impeded, please evaluate, in terms of the wonderful philosophy and the words of wisdom of Gauthama the Buddha, which you articulated just before the UN Common Assembly, whether or not the NGO community as a entire, (like Good Governance and Anti Corruption Activists, Human Rights Defenders, Environmentalists as properly as Social Welfare Entities), have been treated relatively, upholding principles of natural justice and with consistency of standards across the board and without having political motives  and perceptions of selectivity or discrimination?

Please also reflect, no matter whether the present and planned actions, circulars and legal and regulatory reforms dealing with NGO’s, pass the tests of just and fairness and are in compliance with international best practices, standards and conventions, and especially whether before enacting laws to need NGO’s:

  • to give further information that the Government need to initial enact a law that tends to make Appropriate to Data a binding Governance Commitment on all
  • · to have their
    1. publicity, advocacy, training and publications, and
    2. fund raising and grant receipts, and
    3. action plans

to be prior approved by a Government Secretariat, to evaluate whether or not these needs are based on ill conceived advise, misconceptions and are discriminatory and not in line with independence, all-natural justice principles , democratic freedoms and human rights as committed to by the constitution and binding international conventions

  • · to demonstrate their independence , integrity of goal and credibility of operations that Efficient, Independent and Credible Public Institutions ( Judicial Services, Public Solutions, Elections, Human Rights, Police Services, Bribery &amp Corruption, Ombudsman, Lawyer Common and Auditor Common) are in location
  • · to disclose their strategic plans, budgets, resource allocations and post invest Management Information that the budgeting and budgetary control approach of the government are compliant with the ideal practice benchmark processes advocated by Civil Society Leaders, Organizations and Authorities
  • · to demonstrate the cost effectiveness and worth addition of outcomes  of NGO spends the State to agrees that all public spends in excess of agreed amounts will be subject to worth for funds and economy/effectiveness and efficiency post audits, with reports tabled in Parliament ahead of COPA/COPE
  • · to disclose assets and remuneration and perks of essential NGO officials, that all Legislators, Executive and Administrative and State and Corporation Officials above a certain agreed grade, to annually declare assets and all remunerations, benefits and perks as well as official expenses and other payments to such officials with disclosures regards their associated party transactions and declarations of conflicts of interests to be publicly disclosed
  • · to ensure transparency and accuracy of all reports, data information, accounts and public statements/presentations that all State bodies and regulatory bodies also commit to comparable independence, integrity and transparency, specifically in relation to Socio-economic  and environmental impacts and expense advantages
  • · to be subjected to investigative overview and examination of books of account and information of NGO’s to have an independent ombudsman / facilitator who  has accountability to advance the interests of the NGO’s by efficiently progressing any issues difficult the NGO’s or putting  in location safeguards on behalf NGO’s with any Ministry, Department or State/Para state Institutions and willing also to spot any grievances of NGO’s and Untangle any knotty troubles and ease challenges faced by NGO’s and progress complaints or claims ahead of independent public institutions and state parties
  • · to have a legislatively imposed binding codes of ethics, conduct, standards in public life  and governance for all Legislators, Executive and Administrative and State and Corporation Officials above a particular agreed grade to be bound by equivalent frameworks, such as binding standards in Public Life eg. Nolan Committee Standards in British Public Life

In the interim the NGO’s as a Grand Collective, must offer you to adopt on a voluntary basis

  1. A Code of Conduct for Persons in Public Life
  2. Ten Golden Guidelines for Civil Society Organisations
  3. Audited Accounts and Annual Reports to be compliant with the Accounting Standards for Not for Profit Organisations
  4. Where acceptable and cost effective International Reporting Initiative Standards on Financial and Social Effect and Sustainability Reporting  Standards

Mr. President, please tread the path that Mahatma Gandhi traveled and recollect his popular words of wisdom with time tested universal adaptability, quoted below

&#8220Change oneself.

“You need to be the adjust you want to see in the world.”

“As human beings, our greatness lies not so significantly in becoming in a position to remake the globe – that is the myth of the atomic age – as in being able to remake ourselves.”

If you adjust oneself you will change your globe. If you adjust how you feel then you will change how you really feel and what actions you take. And so the globe around you will change. Not only since you are now viewing your atmosphere via new lenses of thoughts and emotions but also since the modify inside can enable you to take action in ways you wouldn’t have – or possibly even have thought about – even though stuck in your old believed patterns.

And the problem with changing your outer globe with out changing yourself is that you will nonetheless be you when you reach that modify you have strived for. You will nonetheless have your flaws, anger, negativity, self-sabotaging tendencies and so on. intact.

And so in this new predicament you will nevertheless not uncover what you hoped for considering that your mind is still seeping with that negative stuff. And if you get far more without having getting some insight into and distance from your ego it might grow far more effective. Considering that your ego loves to divide issues, to discover enemies and to produce separation it might commence to attempt to produce even a lot more difficulties and conflicts in your life and globe.

Categories
Foreign Affairs

Mahindavādaya, Mahinda-Vadaya And Wirathu-Āgamanaya

By Tisaranee Gunasekara

“The government has turned us into orphans in our personal motherland.”

Boralesgamuwa farmers affected by the Weras-Ganga Project (Lankadeepa – 24.9.2014)

Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s most recent beautification project, the Weras-Ganga Improvement, with walkways and a food court, was declared open with considerably fanfare this month. Jackson Anthony, dramatist turn sycophant, used the occasion to proclaim that the time has come to upgrade Mahinda Chinthanaya (Mahinda Believed) to Mahindavādaya (Mahindaism – Mahinda Ideology)[i].

Gnanasara WirathuFor a lot of farmers of Boralesgamuwa (as for most Tamils and Muslims and growing numbers of Sinhalese), Mahindavādaya has turn into a Mahinda-Vadaya (Mahinda-Affliction). Their fields could not be cultivated for two seasons because they did not have access to the usual supply of water thanks to the beautification project. Now they are becoming told by the military how they need to cultivate their fields. Lacking the money and the manpower to follow military instructions, the farmers have given up cultivation. They say that if they are unable discover “labouring jobs to feed their households, they will just have to die, even though watching the moneyed ladies, gentlemen and their households promenading and enjoying themselves”[ii].

***

In February 2010, chief prelates of all 4 chapters decided to hold a specific Sangha Convention on Democracy and Governance. Gen. Sarath Fonseka had been arrested and the monks planned to officially request the government to cease persecuting the war-winning army commander.

The Rajapaksas went into panic-mode. This was not some minor gathering, but a convention bringing collectively representatives of the complete Sangha Sasana. State media heaped vitriol on the Convention even though frenzied efforts were produced behind the scenes to cancel it.

At the eleventh hour the Convention was cancelled. Afterwards, Ven. Athangane Ratanapala Thero told the media that the head of the Malwatte Chapter had been beneath ‘severe stress’: “Many members representing the government as properly as some members of the clergy who are working for the government used tremendous pressure on us to cease the meeting”[iii].

The Chief Incumbent of the Mihintale Raja Maha Vihare was much more explicit. He said that a group of 45 Buddhist monks visited the Malwatte Mahanayake Thero and informed him that he would “have to take the responsibility if two or 3 bombs went off within the premises of the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic”. He also named names: “Chancellor of Kelaniya University, Ven. Dr. Welimitiyawe Kusaladhamma Thero, former parliamentarian Ven. Uduwe Dhammaloka Thero, Ven. Diviyagaha Yasassi Thero and Ven Rekhawa Jinarathana Thero were among the 45 monks who wanted the Mahanayake to cancel the Sangha Convention”. They initially threatened to leave the sect when blackmail failed they named the President “who personally spoke to the Mahanayake urging him to cancel the convention.” The Chief Prelate refused. That was when the ‘bomb threat’ was produced. When asked about the incident, the Chief Prelate replied “that the Mahanayakes were compelled to postpone the occasion to make sure the safety of the Maha Sangha and the Temple of the Tooth.”[iv]

That is how the Rajapaksas act towards any gathering of monks they think about undesirable.

Just this week Terrorism Investigation Division prevented Professional Web Journalists Association from holding a workshop on net safety. The management of the hotel exactly where the workshop was to be held was informed by the TID that an organisation (consisting of retried army officers and disabled soldiers) is organizing to surround the premises. The safety of the workshop-participants cannot be guaranteed, the TID stated. The management, like the Chief Prelates, got the message the workshop was cancelled.[v]

No such threats or warnings will mar the Sangha Convention of the Bodu Bala Sena. It will be held at the Sugathadasa Stadium, which in itself is a sign of governmental blessing. The visit to Sri Lanka by the hatemongering Burmese monk, U Wirathu, is also probably to go off without a snag. As the BBS boasted on its Facebook page, the saffron-robed rabble-rouser who gained infamy for remarks such as “Muslims are fundamentally negative Mohammed makes it possible for them to kill any creature Islam is a religion of thieves, they do not want peace,”[vi] came by means of the VIP lounge and was whisked off to a secure spot[vii].

Whether or not the Rajapaksas are actively assisting the BBS gathering, with money, facilities and monks (to fill the hall) is not known. But the really reality that the convention is getting held on such a giant scale proves that it has the Rajapaksa seal-of-approval. The Rajapaksas did not hesitate to use the most execrable measures to avoid the Sangha Convention in 2010, such as an implicit threat to bomb the Temple of the Tooth. The truth that they are permitting the BBS Convention to happen is the clearest attainable proof that this gathering has their blessing.

Electoral Compulsions

It is now virtually certain that Presidential elections will be held in January 2015, prior to the Papal go to. Obviously the Rajapaksas have been jolted into feverish haste by Uva. In such a fraught context, a massive gathering of monks will be permitted only if it is noticed as beneficial to the Siblings.

The Rajapaksas know that most Tamils and Muslims did not and will not vote for them. Their primary concern is to make certain that their help base amongst the majority community does not erode any additional. The electoral playing field has been skewed constitutionally the Siblings will not hesitate to use violence and malpractices. But as Uva demonstrates, such measures can outcome only in an incredibly marginal – and politically de-legitimising – victory. To win the huge victory they need to have, the Rajapaksas require to maintain their Sinhala-Buddhist base intact.

Economic concessions – more will be made in the coming months – might not be adequate even in the rural-fastness of Uva, a massive number of Sinhalese seemed to have noticed by means of that obvious gimmick. Other techniques are needed.

Sinhala-Buddhists have to be made to really feel insecure in order to reignite their desire for a strong protector. “Making the neighborhood far more fanatical and exploiting the resulting fanatics” [viii] seems to be the Rajapaksa aim. And a BBS-Wirathu combine will be excellent to concentrate the consideration of the Sinhala public not on their economic woes but on ‘threats’ to ‘Rata, Jathiya and Agama’ (nation, race and religion).

The BBS convention will constitute a leap forward in the Rajapaksa efforts to impose a racist politico-psychological climate on the upcoming election season. It will help enormously to maintain the electoral discourse mired in Tiger revivals, Jihadi threats and Christian/Catholic conspiracies.

In August 2007, JHU head, Ven. Ellawalla Medananda Thero proclaimed that (Christian) fundamentalists were arranging to infect Buddhist monks with AIDS. “I got details that fundamentalists at a meeting in Kurunegala had decided to eliminate Buddhism from this country. Portion of their strategy is to infect the monks with HIV virus… Monks could be infected with the virus when they go for a blood test or blood transfusion.”[ix]

That is the sort of discourse the Rajapaksas would want in the course of election season. What better way to drive genuine life economic, political and social problems than to addle and poison Sinhala-Buddhist minds with suspicion, worry, anger and hate against Tamil/Muslim/Christian fellow Lankans? Who far better to give that project a violent leap than ‘Buddhist Bin Laden’ of Burma?=


[i] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JzxDiKivz6A

[ii] We have grow to be orphans in our own lands – Famers of the Boralasgamuwa fields say – Lankadeepa – 24.9.2014

[iii] http://www.lankabusinessonline.com/news/sri-lanka-monks-complain-of-government-pressure/216508128

[iv] http://www.thesundayleader.lk/2010/02/21/%E2%80%9Cmahanayakes-threatened-with-temple-bomb-attack%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%94-prelate/ &#8211 emphasis mine

[v] https://www.mirror.lk/news/17128-tid-hampers-net-media-workshop

[vi] http://www.ruom.net/portfolio-item/inside-969-movement/#sthash.aCkW5bcN.dpbs

[vii]https://www.facebook.com/bodubalasenablogofficial/pictures/a.1478310909093649.1073741828.1474709476120459/1490042541253819/?sort=1&amptheater

[viii] The Language of the Third Reich – Victor Klemperer

[ix] http://www.lankanewspapers.com/news/2007/8/18397.html