Forget peace talks: S.Lanka militant-turned-minister

COLOMBO (Reuters) - Holding talks with the Tamil Tigers' shadowy leader would be a blunder and there will be no peace unless he is killed, Sri Lankan militant-turned-minister Douglas Devananda has warned.

Social Services and Welfare Minister Devananda, a minority Tamil vehemently opposed to the Tigers, says he has escaped more than a dozen assassination attempts.

The last was on Nov. 28, when a female bomber officials say was sent by Tiger supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran made her way into his ministry in central Colombo.

Devananda was watching closed-circuit TV footage of visitors in the ministry's offices and hallways when the woman blew herself up, killing one of his aides.

"Prabhakaran ... is anti-human," Devananda told Sri Lanka's Foreign Correspondent's Association late on Thursday, after showing journalists a recording of the attack. "You have to compare (him) with Pol Pot or Hitler ... He has to die."

"As long as Prabhakaran is alive, he won't allow anyone to solve the problem (conflict) amicably," he added. "If the president goes again for talks, it's a blunder."

Prabhakaran is infamous for his use of suicide attackers as part of his campaign to create a separate state for Tamils in the island's north and east.

Devananda himself took up arms against the state with other militant groups in the late 1970s and 1980s. He remains at the top of the Tigers' hit list.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa says the door is open to peace talks with the rebels, but his government has also vowed to wipe out the Tigers military.

Thousands have died in renewed fighting since early last year after a 2002 ceasefire pact broke down. The last round of a series of abortive peace talk initiatives fell apart last year.

Since 1983, about 70,000 people have died in the two-decade civil war and many hundreds of thousands have been displaced.

FUTURE CHIEF MINISTER IN NORTHEAST?

Devananda heads the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) and analysts say he has close ties with a renegade former Tiger commander who analysts say helped the government drive the mainstream rebels from their eastern strongholds.

He wants to be the future chief minister for north and east Sri Lanka.

"I have the right to be the chief minister of the north and east," Devananda said.

He also wants the government and other political parties to decentralise power to provincial councils, rather than wait for divided parties to try to reach an elusive consensus on devolution.

"The Tamil people have grievances. They should be dealt with with a political package," he said.

Devananda, who adopted the alias Douglas because it was his karate teacher's name, laughs as he recalls a series of attempts on his life.

He was once forced to dive into the Palk Strait separating Sri Lanka from India in 1996 to escape a rebel attack and spent the whole night in the sea.

The minister, who founded the militant Eelam People's Revolutionary Front (EPRLF), which later morphed into his political party, has no regrets about his own violent past.

He says killings he was responsible for were in self-defence. He also jokes about his former militancy and rivalry with the Tigers in the 1980s, when they were both fighting the state -- and often each other.

"If the LTTE killed anyone from my organisation, I balanced that when I was in EPRLF," he laughed.

Ironically, it is precisely through agreeing to peace talks that Prabhakaran could torpedo his foe Devananda.

"If tomorrow Prabhakaran comes genuinely for negotiations, I will give up politics and go, because I don't want to be an obstacle," he said.

"But the reality is Prabhakaran won't come, and I won't go."

By Simon Gardner

Presidential Commission takes issue with IIGEP allegations

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Serious Violations of Human Rights, yesterday objected strongly to a statement issued by the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) claiming that 'the current inquiry does not meet international standards'.
Justice Nissanka Udalagama, Chairman of the Commission of Inquiry said that he could not comprehend how the IIGEP concluded that the COI's investigations were not transparent when the IIGEP itself has been given the opportunity and have in fact questioned witnesses in detail during the sessions.

He also pointed out that in effect the IIGEP has not been present at over half of the sessions and for this reason too the allegations lack credibility. He added that the IIGEP observation that there had been no full and timely disclosure by COI is not acceptable.

Justice Udalagama also made clear that the statement made by the IIGEP that its recommended corrective actions have not been adopted by the COI is contrary to facts.

"Due to the lack of an adequate presence of the IIGEP at the sessions, the collective wisdom of the eleven members of IIGEP is unfortunately not reflected in the Group's observations as was intended in the Presidential invitation to the IIGEP.

"The COI has developed a scheme of witness protection which elaborates rigorously researched rules and study of international best practices. Copies of such rules were shared with the IIGEP at the beginning of the COI's term and did not receive any adverse comments."

Justice Udalagama expressed disappointment that the IIGEP has preferred to raise objections in the public domain when in fact the opportunity for comment and criticism was available but not made use of.

News.lk

Sri Lankan conflict - opinion as a response

Grateful thanks to S.C. Wirasinghe's article titled "Sri Lanka – A comprehensive view of the current situation." This is a rare and worthy description of the conflict in Heladiva (SL) closer to the truth as it is.

"Tamil Nadu politicians cannot survive unless they speak openly about Sri Lankan issues..."

Not they cannot survive but their pro-Tamil stance is 100% dedication in aiming for the eventual independent Tamil Nadu (Tamil Country). Tamilism is so strong the prime qualification has to be a full-blooded Tamil in Tamil Nadu for an important official appointment. We need to understand the justification of their agenda. Tamils are a great population of the world with 70 million Tamils of Tamil Nadu and over 30 million Tamils settled in host national countries like Heladiva (SL), Malaysia, Thailand, South Africa, UK etc. But the Tamil nation of Tamil Nadu within the Indian subcontinent are not strong enough to free it from the Indian governance. Toward this ultimate goal our tiny Hela Island was found to be the convenient first step along with the focus of Tamil expansionism wherever possible. Our island became the prime target due to most of the past rulers being pro-Tamil who were installed by the parting then British cunning land robbers. These pseudo Sinhela rulers fobbed the nation as our leaders who are still attempting to support the insidious Tamil invasive terror trying to form a second Tamil Nadu out of our tiny indigenous island country, with its only 17 million Hela Nation. It is time to expose to the world that Tamil national struggle is justifiable and it can ONLY be waged in Tamil Nadu and not in a host national country like Heladiva. This will get the Tamil national struggle off our backs and stop their heinous attempt to get it at the cost of our extinction and our land being invaded. FOR THE TAMIL NATIONAL LIBERATION THE RESPONSIBILITY LIES SOLELY WITH THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT. One more factor which the Tamil entity is exploiting is the clause mindlessly entered within the UN constitution that minorities can have self determination if so wished. UN should be challenged on this clause as chaotic if every non indigenous minority in host national countries start to demand carving out additional countries for themselves, in addition to their lands of national origins left behind for pastures anew. Enter the zone of “invasion by migration”!!

“The Sinhalese were misguided in trying to introduce Sinhala as the official language of Sri Lanka”.

There was no misguidance in except that the official Hela (Sinhela) language policy was not carried through but halted due to Tamil pressure. This come down is due to the fact that after independence we never had our National Leaders but a bunch of racist pro-Tamil leaders garbed in Sinhela names due to intermarriage. Language is the backbone of a single Nationhood, more than one language will pave the way for multi-nationalism, an upside down political concept encouraged to breakaway, only allowed in our island country.

“A Tamil homeland?”

Homeland can mean where one is born or where one set up home. This rhetoric of the non indigenous Tamils in Heladiva simply means a Tamil sovereign national country. Fully justifiable for the sovereign National Tamil country, for which no lengthy debate is required when we have the most fundamental tangible self-evident fact of the glaring existence of Tamil Nadu (Tamil Country), though hidden within the Indian subcontinent. Because inviolable national sovereignty is an entitlement to ONLY the indigenous nation of a particular land and not for being born or set up home there irrespective of how many or how long they lived there. The only community in Heladiva who have a right to have a separate homeland if so wish are our indigenous Vedi generation. But they will not ask for it as they are our ancient Hela people and never will be a threat to us.

“Basic human rights……”

There is a gross error in human rights even within the international echelons, mixing up human rights with national rights. Human rights and civil rights are the rights entitled to non indigenous minorities in host indigenous national countries. Their national rights are intact in the lands of their national origins they left behind. Such rights like language, culture and religion of non indigenous minorities in host countries will prevail only within their private domain unofficially, without a threat in any form to the national sovereignty of the host nation. When these clear justifiable parameters are properly understood and learn to uphold our National Hela Sovereignty steadfastly, barking will surely stop and the world will stand with us as it can become their problem too.

by Anura Seneviratna

Lakdiva Sinhala location name usage (Sinhala article by Ananda Wijesinghe)

lk~qQv sQAhL s}`n-n`m x`vQwy

aw&vX&yQ!

- a`nn~q vQ@j~sQAh - k#nd`v

@l`v# @k`w#@nk @h`~ @v@sn kQsQym|m mQnQs~ j`wQyk~~ @v@w`w~, ovEn~ nQyw vX@yn~m wvw~~ j`wQykt @vns~ vn~@n~ ovE@n`vEn~ k}`krn x`;`@vnQ. iAgQYsWn~ iAgYWsQ j`wQy vn~@n~, ovEn~@g~ mvE bs iAgYWsQ x`;`v b#vQnQ. jpnEn~ jpnEn~ vn~@n~q jpn~ bs wm mvE bs b#vQnQ. cWnEn~ vWnEn~ vn~@n~q, jrm`NEvn~ jrm`NEvn~ vn~@n~q, qmQLyn~ qmQLyQn~ vn~@n~q, sQAhLyn~ sQAhLyQn~ vn~@n~q e@lsm#yQ. s$m j`wQyk~ vQsQn~m sQy x`;`vt mvE bs y#yQ kQyn~@n~ q e b#vQnQ.

uc|c`rN pY@x~qy:

e@s~ vR klW, kvr @h`~ j`wQ@yk vEv is~mwSvW @p@Nn, pY{`nwm ann&w` l]Ny em j`wQyt a`@v|nQk x`;`v vWm @n`v#L#k~vQy h#kQ sQq{`n~w@ykQ. @mm kr#@N~qW vd`w~ k#pW @p@Nn nQyw a`@v|nQk l]Ny vn~@n~, kQsQym|m vcnyk~ vQvQ{ j`wQkyQn~@g~ mEvQn~ vQvQ{ a`k`r@yn~ uc|c`rNy @k@rnE l#bWmyQ: svkWy mvE x`;`@vn~ jnQw uc|c`rN svr@yn~ b#h#r vWmt k`tw~ nEpEUvn~ @hyQnQ.

uq`hrNyk~ gw@h`w~: iAgQrQsQ j`wQk@ykSt “@k`LB” y#yQ kQv @n`h#k. e~ nQs` ovEn~ @k`LBt kW@y~~ “klm|”bE” kQy`y. swvr#s gNn`vkt psEv# vEvq ovEnt @k`LBt @k`LB y#yQ kQv$h#kQq? @n`h#k~@k~ m#yQ! g`l~lt “@g`~l~”~ y#yQq, k$gl~lt “@k~@g`~l~”~ y#y~q, wAgl~lt “t#A@g`~l~” y#yQq ovEhE aqw~ kQywQ.

s}`n-n`m qmQLkrNy h` Il`m| sAkl~p@y~ upw:

@mm uc|c`rn vQprWw x`v@y~ svx`vyy @w~r#m| g#NWmt qmQL uc|c`rNyn~ h#r @vnw~ uph#rN kSmtq? ap mvE bQ@m|m an`qQmw~ k`lyk~ pEr` jWvw~vn. @qmL bs k}` krn, o|n$m qmQL j`wQk@yk vQsQn~ vEvq a@p~ vcn” -– enm|: – pEq~gl n`m, gY`m n`m, ngr n`m, s}`n n`m a$ vQvQ{ vcn uc|c`rNy krNE@y~ wm mvE b@shQ nQyw blp$@mn~ b#h#r @n`kth#kQ, k#pW @p@Nn @qmL x`;`my hEr#v rFgw~ uc|c`rn svrykQnQ. qmQL@y`~, @k`LB y#yQ kQy`gw @n`h#kQ b#vQn~ @k`Um|pE y#yQ @n`kQyw~q? mWgmv y#yQ kWmt a@p`@h`sw~ b#vQn~ nWr@k`Um|pE y#yQ kQywQ. g`l~lt g`@@l kQywQ. am|p`rt am|b`@ryQ kQywQ. sQrQ@g`~Nkn~qt (@g`~kn~n @n`@hw~ wYQkSN`mlyt) kQyn~@n~ wQr#@k`~Nm@@l kQy`y. @s`~mpEr (@h`~ s`mpEr) yn~nt s`m|pRr~ y#yQ kQywQ. mdkLpEvt kQyn~@n~ mt|tk~klp~pE y. @k`t@h~nt @k`t|tn~@c|@nyQ y#yQ kQyn~@n~q eprQq~@qn~m#yQ. @m| pQLQb[v qQgS atEv`-TWk` kSmtq?

xYW lAk`@v| kvr @h`~ pY@q~X@yk s}`n-n`m @qmL x`;`my uc|c`rn svr$pyk~ @gn a#w~@w~ @mkW uc|v`rN vQl`xy@y~ @vns nQs`m#yQ. sQAhLyQn~~ qQgS klk~ @my s#L#kS@y~ u@p~]`@vnQ.

ax`g&yy nm|, @mkW nQr#w~s`hW (i@b|m# en) uc|c`rN qE;~krw`v, anQywQn~ uwSr sh n#@gnhQr pL`w~ @qk sQy @qmL nQjbQm#yQ @l`vt hdg` kWmt @bqEm|v`qW IL`m| k`ryQn~t angQ psEbQmk~ sLs` qWWWmyQ. ad-sQyvsrkt pmN @pr @m| l]Ny vth`gw~ avs}`v`qW, @bqEm|v`qW kSt @q~Xp`lk@y`~ @mm ww~w~vy uprQm @lsQn~ pY@y`~jnyt @gn#, sQAhL s}`n n`myn~ qmQLkrny hQw`-mw`m kYm@yn~ wWv^ kLh: whvEr# kLh. @v|gvw~ kLh. sQAhLy`@g~ nQ@qY`pgw, a#l~m#r#N @n`s#L#kQl~lm qmQLkrNyt b`{` vQrhQw, kdQnm|, an`y`XW up`y m`rgynt prWvrwny vn~nt v#dQkl~ gQ@y~ n#w. uwSr# h` n#@gnhQr @q-pL`@w~ @qmL-Il`m| sAkl~p@yk nQrm`Ny ew#nQn~ a#r$BQNQ.

nQjbQm| sAkl~pyt ud-@gdQ qWm:

qQvyQ@n~ uwSr# h` n@@gNhQr @q-pL`@w~~ s}`n-n`m nQyw qmQLkrNykt lk~vR@y~ @mm vkY @q~xp`ln v&`p`ry mwyQ. vrQn~ vr, ap@g~ @q~X@pY~mW vQq~vwSn~, @q~XWy @mn~m# vQ@q~xWy iwQh`sZyn~ h` pEr`vQq&`Zyyn~ vQsQn~ mwS krnE l#b, a@p~ s}`n-n`myn~@g~~ nQv#rqQ uc|c`rny h` lQvWm @k@s~ vQy yEwSq yn~n @l`v pEr` @v@sn sQyU xYW l`AkQkyQn~ @mn~m, r@t| @q~xp`lkyQn~, pEvw~pw~ kl` @v|qQn~, h` qhskSw~-ekk~ pYbl mhjn a`ywn sh r`j& a`ywn v#nQ bl-@]wYyn~ @h`[Qn~m q#n sQtQyh. e@wkSqE vEvw~, vsr gNn`vk~m @mm kr#n @n`wk` h#r, em @qpL`@w~ s}`n-n`m nQv#rqQ @lsQn~ @n`lQyn - @n`kQyn bv pYkt kr#@nkQ. e mwSq @n`v, vrQn~ vr bLyt pw~ rjyyn~q ww~ n`m vQk^w~wWn~ e~ e~ a`k`r@yn~m gYhNy kL` vQn`, e~v` nQv#rqQ kQrWmt kQsQqE pQyvrk~ @n`@gn, e~v`m whvEr# vn~nt id h#rQyh. eym, aq j`wQ@y~ mhw~ ax`g&yyt mELQk vQy. I-NQy` @qmL nQjbQm| sAkl~py ml~PLg#n~vWm u@qs`, @mm @qpL`@w~ @@wQh`sQk sQAhL s}`n-n`m @qmLkrNyt lk~vW, e@s~ vQk^wwQkL ayErQn~m# p#v#wWmt h` x`vQwyt id h#r wQbWm brpwl @ls mMp`q` a#wQ b#v| q#n~ p#h#qQLQvW wQ@b|.

uwSr# h` n@@gNhQr pL`w~ @qk ek~@k`t, bl`w~k`rW @ls @mlc|C @qmL - wYs}yn~ lv` @h`~ rt @bq`, InQy` @qmL-nQjbQm| sAkl~py jy@gn,– @qmL IL`myk~ a#t#vW@m| @@ewQh`sQk kSmn~wYNyt qmQL-Il`m| k`ryQn~ vQsQn~ @mkW s}`n-n`m vQk^wQym p`vQv|cQ krnE lbn ayEr# q#n~ q#n~ q#kQy h#kQy. a@p~ j`wQk - gwQyk~ b#v| @n`kQy` @n`h#kQ, @p`qE@v| o|n$m @qyk~ sQqEvn~nt id h#r, “o@h~ o|n$ ekk~ vEn`@qn~”~ y#yQ krb`@gn, @n`wk` i[W@m| pYwQvQp`k q#n~ q#n~ mEU rtm vQ[vnE lbn bvq rhsk~ @n`@v|.

m`vQl~oy qmQL-wYs} stn:

psEgQQy a@g`~s~wS m`s@y~qW, evkt a@p~ mvE bQm# n#@gnhQr @p@qs~hQ k#l$ ark~@gn sQtQ rt vnsn mQnWmr# @qmL wYs}@y`~ (LTTE) @g`~kn~n (sQrQ@g`~Nkn~q @hvw~ Trincomalee) qQs~wQrQk~k@y~ gn~wl`@vn~ (kn~w@l~) ob|@bhQ, @s`~mpEr pY@q~X@y~ jnw`vt p`NWy h` @g`vQw#n~ s[h` jly s#p#yR m`vQl~-o@y~ @s`@r`vE avhQr kLh. @qmL jnw`v@g~ InQy` “g#l#vEm|k`ryQn~” y#yQ kQy`gn~n` @mkW qmQL wYs}@y`~, sQAhL sh mEs~lQm| jny` mwS @n`v, qhs~ gNn~ vR wm @qmL j`wQkyQn~q, @mnyQn~ q#dQ pQdNyt @g`qEr# kLh.

vh` kYQy`wmk vR, @q~X@y~ mEr-@q~vw`vn~ vR a`r]k hmEq` vQsQn~ qr#NE stn~ v#q. qmQL @ml~cCyQn~ pLv` hrQn lqh. anwSr#v#, wkwWr# wYs~}v`qW qmQL @k`tQn~@g~ pWdnyt pw~ em @p@qs~ v#sQ qhs~ sAK&`w @qmL, sQAhL, mEs~lQm| a$ skL jnw`vn~@g~ p#n~ pvs nQvmQn~, a@g`~s~wS 9v#nQq` r`wYW 8.00t a@p~ vW@r`~q`r @sbL bla#NQ vQsQn~ m`vQl~ - o@y~ @s`@r`vE arQn lqW. qmQL wYs~}yQn~@g~ npEr# qs`v uq`vR@y~ ew#NQnQ.

sQAhL s}`n-n`m x`vQw@y~ v#qgw~km is~mwS@v|:

a@p~ @p_r`NQk s}`n-n`m x`vQwy@y~ v#qgw~km yLQw~ q#dQ @lsQn~ is~mwS vR@y~ @m| avs}`@v|qWy. k`ly`@g~ a#v$@mn~ a@p~m @n`s#L#kQLQmw~ k@mn~, @k@mn~ a#l~-m#r#N,E sQAhL -– n`m ax`vQwy mRlWkvR, uwSr# h` n#@gNhQr sQAhL ann&w`vy@y~ vw~mn~ blp$m, vQq&Ew~-pNQvEd hEvm`r# pq{wQ (e-mail forums) mgQQQn~ @l`v pEr` @v@sn q$-hQw#wQyn~@g~ pEUl~ s`kcC`vt b[En~ vQy. a@p~ ip#rNQ sQAhLy` h` sQAh@L~ g#n ugw~ vQq~vwSn~ klk~ wQs~@s~ s`mEhQkvw~, wnQ-wnQv# @p_q~glQkvw~ @mm vQ;yy arxy` krnlq prQ@y~;N, @@wQh`sQk kr#NE @s`y`, ss[`, vWmAXnyt x`jny kQrWm|, p#rNQ @l~KN h` @k_wSk`g`r a#sE@rn~ @s`y` b#lWm| h` sQwQym| krnyq x`;`my sm`n km| h` prs~prw`q, uc|c`rN pY@x~qyn~q, @mnyQn~ pLvW (h` mEqYNqv`r@yn~ eLQ @n`qEtR) a#wQ iwQh`sZyQn~@g~q, pEr`vQq&`ZyWn~@g~q, @l~kKyQn~@g~ @p`w~pw~q, m`yQm| @p`w~ q, nm| @p`w~ q, vQw~wQ @p`w~ q, p#rNQ mQNEm|kr# - sthn~ @p`w~ a`qQy q a#sEr#@k`t s#k#sEnE iw` agn` an~wr~j`l w#n~nk~ @hvw~ @vb| advQyk~ (Web-site) q$ntmw~ nQr~m`NyvW hm`ry.

sQAhL s}`n-n`m @vb|-advQy:

vw~m@nhQ ax`vQw@yn~ ytpw~vW, qmQLkrNyvW a#wQ sQAhL s}`n-n`m, e~v`@y~ @@ewQh`sQk h` pEr`vQq&`w~mk psEbQm, ekW n`myn~m @qmL a`@rn~~ m$w yEg@y~ bQ[W avEw~ a#wQ a`k`ryy h` e~v`@y~ ip#rNQ s}`ngw sAyEk~wQy @mn~m jnpYv`qy`XYQw psEbQmq,  aq`l sQwQym|q q#k~@vn @mkW @vb|-advQy, @qmLt ww~sm sQAhLt @y@qn gY`m-n`m sthn~q shQwv (sQAhL bsQn~m ekW n`myn~q qk~vmQn~) s#k#sW a#w~@w~ iAgYWsQ x`;`@vnQ. @mkW an~wrj`l-w#n~nt @n`@h`w~ @vb| advQyt pQvQ@sn mM @m@s~y: 

http://www.geocities.com/place.names/barelist.htm

ihw qk~v` a#wQ j`l-w#n~n (@vb|-advQy) h` aq`l s}`n-n`m g@v|;N ktyEwS, ekl vQ@q&`~qy srsvQ@y~ up kSlpwQ vX@yn~ ktyEwS kL a`c`r\y cn~qY {r\mvr\{n mhw`@g~ pE@r`~g`mQw~w~vy@yn~ yEw~ kNd`ymk~ vQsQn~ sQqE@k@rnE lbyQ.

sQAhL s~}`n n`myn~ x`vQw` kL yEw~@w~ a#yQ...?

yt kQynlq sQAhL s}`n-n`m x`vQw@y~ v#qgw~km vE klW, I-nQy` qmQL nQjbQm| sAkl~py h` in~ jnQwvW wQ@bn, ap@g~~ kSd` qQvyQn kd-kd @k`t, Il`m| - @bqEm|v`qy jyg#NW@m| qmQL pYyw~nyyn~ pr`jy@k`t, r@t| e~kWy x`vy sErFkWm u@qs` aw&`vX& mEl`{`ryk~ vWm u@qs`m pmNk~ @n`@v|. sQAhL-@b_q{ ur#myn~ wv qErtw~ vns` q#mW@m| vkY qmQL pYyw~Nyn~ akYQy kQrW@m| pYbL aAgyk~ vX@yn~ q, sQrQlk pEr` sQAhL s~}`n n`myn~, aq`L sQyUm p`rXvyn~ vQsQn~ sQyU kl~hQ x`vQw` kL yEwSy. uwSr sh n#@gnhQr @qmL-nQjbQmk~ @n`vnb#v| in~ sn`}@v|. @l`v pEr` vsn qmQLyn~ vQsQn~ I-nQy` j`w&n~wr pYj`v wvqErtw~ rvtnE lbn~@n~ @mnyQnQ.

qmQLyQn~ vQsQn~ @l`~ pEr` pYc`ry kr h#r, sQy l`b`l qmQL prpErq (@n`mM yvmQn~) ugn~v` a#wQ ovEEn~@g~ v&`j lk~-ur$my pQLQb[ iwQh`syt mRl`{`ry h` blvw~ s`{kyq vW a#w~@w~ sQAhL s}`n-n`m qmQLkrNym b#v| spEr` av@b`~{ kL yEwS k`ly q#n~ p#mQN wQ@b|.

q]QN in~qQy`nE swSr# a`kYmNQkyQn~ vQsQn~ vrQn~ vr krn lq mhw~ vQn`Xyyn~ @k@s~vwSqE, vsr @qqhs~ wSn~sQyyktq a{Qk k`l prQc”|@C~qyk sQt qQvyQn b#b#LvR qhs~ sAK&`w @b_q{ sQq~{s}`n, uwS@rhQ q, n#@gnhQr pl`@whQq ek@s~ p#v#wSNQ. vrQn~ vr sQqEvR @c`~L, p`N~d&y ynE@vn~ iwQh`s@y~ h[En~vnE lbnlq qkSNE in~qWy –qmQL a`kYmNQkyQn~ vQsQn~ vQn`X kr qmn lq qhs~ gNn~ @b_q~{ pEjNWy s}`nyn~@g~ n;T`v@X~; wvmw~ emty. pEr`vQq&`w~mk h` @@ewQh`sQk vtQn`kmQn~ yEk~wvEq, sQAhL-@b_q~{ ur#myt i[Er` @qs~ @qn~n`vRq, @mm ip#rNQ @b`qE sQq~{s}`n h` ntbEn~ qmQQL wYs~}yQn~ vQsQn~ kYm@yn~ vQn`X kr@gn# @ywQ. e~ mwm @k`~vQl~ q iqQkrwQ. sQAhLy`@g~ ur#my mk` q#mW@m| @@ewQh`sQk v#d pQLQ@vl vw~mn~ qmQL-wYs~wyQn~ vQsQn~ ys-rMt aKNdv iqQrQyt @gn#ymQn~ pvwW.

n`gqWpy eq` sms~} y`p`ptEnmq…..?

y`p`ptEn - @n`@h`w~ n`gqWpy h` wvw~ kSd` prQm`N@y~ qRpw~ rFskQn~ vtvR vw~mn~ y`pn ar{qvWpyy, a`qWk`lWn lk~qQv# awWXyQn~m# v#qgw~, @h~LQ @b_q~{ m{&s}`nyk~ vRv` nQs#ky. eq` y`p`ptEnq, anEr`{pEry v#nQ pEjNWy m{&s}`nyk~ vR bvt pEr`vQqE-kr#NE emty.

kQwSvsQn~ 523n~ vsrkt @pr (@wvrk~m#) lk~qQvt p#mQNQ @g_wm bEqrj`Nn~ vhn~@s~@g~ 2v#nQ lAk` gmny sQqEEvR@y~ n`gqWpyt b#v| s[hn~@v|. kSd`bNd` (cR@l`~qr) sh @l`kSbNd` (m@h`~qr) yn n`g - @g`~wYQk rjkSmr#n~ @q@qn`@g~ stn~-pQvQsEm| ww~w~vyk~ smhn~ krnEvs~ bEqEn~vhn~@s~@g~ @mkW p#mQNWm sQqEvR b#v|q pYkty. e@s~ vR vQt, bEqEn~vhn~@s~ v#dm krn~nt a#w~@w~, aq qmQLyQn~ vQsQn~ “nyQnwWvE” nmQn~ h[En~vnE lbn kSd` n`gqQp -– qRpwt @n`v, ekW n`g @g`~wYQk rjqhnt (rj m`LQgyt @h`~ em# aAgnyt,,,?) b#v| s#L#kQm vd` pYz` @g`~vry. ekl em qEpw jn sRn& qQvyQnk~ vn~ntq a#wQ b#vQn~, un~vhn~@s~ em qEpwt qQv`-vQhrNy s[h` @h`~ vdQn~nt a#w#yQq sQwQy h#k.

@k`yQ h#tQ @k@s~ vEvq, in~ sQyvs~ gNnk a#v$@mn~ psE lk~qQv bEqEssEN pQhQtEvW@mn~q psEv, sQrQm`@b`~ X`K`vk~ sh, inEw~ anwSr#vE wvw~ an`qQmw~ k`lykt psE xYW qLq` vhn~@s~ q uwSr#qQg~-n#v|@w`tQn~ (qB@k`LptENQn~) lk~qQvt @gn e~@mn~ anwSr#vq, klQn ~kl e~ prQsr@y~ sQy-qhs~ gNn~ @b_q{ sQq{s~}`n i[QvE b#v|, pY@q~Xy pEr` a#wQ awQ vQX`l ntbEn~ pYm`N vlQn~ @pNWy`yEwSy. e@mn~m#, y`pny vt` a#wQ kSd` qRpw~vlq ip#rNQ @b_q{ n;T`v@X~; @s`y`@gn a#w.

@m|v`@y~ ip#rNQ sQAhL s}`nn`myn~ qmQLkrNyt lk~@k`t, @qmL – IL`myk~ nQrm`Ny kQrW@m| pYvNw`vyk~ @g`dnM`, ey mQNWmr# wYs} kYQy`vLQn~ jyg#NWmt vlQkn @mvn~ yEg@yk, r@t| s`v`{Qpw&ytq, sQQAhLy`@g~ @b_q~{ sAs~k^wQk prQsryt a#wQ hQmQkm| mELQNEpEt` q#mWm u@qs`q @k@rn @qmL j`wQv`qW sEn`mQ@yn~ mvEbQmw~, bEq{ X`snyw~ mEq`g#NW@m| uq`r @m@hvr sQhUn~ @ls upn~ s#mt ayw~ iw` v#qgw~vRq, awQ uwSm|vRq, p#h#r @n`h#rQyyEwS k`ry& x`r@ykQ. sQAhL s}`n-n`m q#n~ ylQ whvEr# kL h#k~@k~ nQrwSr# x`vQw@n~m# pmNQ.

pEr`vQq&`-k#NWm|:

yt kQynlq y`p`ptE@n~ v#qgw~ ww~w~vyy psE k`lvl#qW n`gqWpyt pmNk~ sWm`vn w#nt, klQn~ - kl sQqEvR hQn~[E - qmQL a`kYmNQkyn~ kYQy`krn~nt a#wQ b#v| nQs#ky. y`p`ptEn pEr~` p#v#wQQ @b_q~{ sQq{s}`nyn~@g~ sQy-qhs~ gNn~ n;T`v@x~; a#wQ b#vQn~, y`pn-adqQvyQn pEr` k#NWm| qQyw~ kQrWm s[h` pEr`vQq&` @qp`rw@m|n~wSv @m@hy#vWmt rjy vQsQn~ h#kQw`k~ kdQnmQn~ pQyvr gw yEwSy.

bQrQw`NW sm@y~ a`rm|x@y~qW ovEn~ vQsQn~ sQqEkrn lq pEr`vQqE k#nWm| svl~pyk~ sh m$w x`g@y~ c`rl~s~ @g`dkSBE@r - k#nWm| svl~pyk~ h#r#NEvQt, lk~ rjyn~ vQsQn~ @m| pQLQb[ unn~qEvk~ @n`q#k~vW@m| anQsQ PLvQp`k sh a`qWnv q#n~ xSk~wQvQ[QmE. k`LQAg-m`G @c`~l a`kYmNQk v&sN@yn~ uwSr#-m#q sh uwSr#kr@y~ qhs~ gNn~ vQh`r - q`g#b| vlt sQqEkL @ml~c|C vQn`Xy@yn~ @mpQt iwQrQv# wQbR @ssE @b_q~{ ntbEn~ @b`@h`myk~ vw~mn~ qmQL @k`tQ-wYs~}yQn~ vQsQn~ q#ntmw~ mELlQNEpEt`, vQn`X@k`t a#w. a#w#m| ntbEn~ mw @k`~vQl~ q @g`dnM`, qmQL wYs~} n`yk @v|UpQl~@l~ pQrp`hrn~ - nm#wQ I-nQy` ir#@qvQy` v[Qw~l!

a@p~ j`wQk h` a`gmQk ur#myn~ pQLQb[ ytgQy`@v| m$wm g@v|;Ny @ls s#L#kQy h#k@k~, pEr`vq&` vkYvrwW yn vQr#q`vlQ@yn~ q @g_rvkrnE l#bR, pRj& ell`vl @m|{`nn~q s}vQryn~ vhn~@s~@g~ agn` g@v|;N b#v|q @mhl` sQhQpw~ kL yEwSmy. wmn~ vhn~@s~@g~ pEr`v|q&`w~mk @s`y`g#nWm| q p`qk@k`t, un~vhn~@s~ vQsQn~ pLkrn lq “p`vWN ps~s – uw~wr ps~s” (2003 vsr) nm#wQ @p`w, a@p~ sQAhL - @b_q{ ur#my pQLQb[ v#qgw~ sQhQvtnykQ.

amwk kL @n`h#kQ, v#qgw~ kr#Nk~:

@mw#n~hQqW @v@ssQn~ sQhQpw~ kL yEwS wvw~ ek~ v#qgw~ kr#Nk~ pmNk~ vEvq mwk~~ kQrWWm vtW. XYW qn~w {`wSn~ vhn~@s~ @mrtt v#dm krvE qn~w kSmr# sh @h~mm`l` kSmrQy gmn~ gw~ b#v| s[hn~ qB@k`LptEn (vw~mn~ kAksn~wSry) sQt y`pn ngry qk~v` vE mM @qps# @b`qE pEjNWy s~}`n vlQn~ ghNvE b#v| pYkty. qB@k`LptEn n#v| @w`t sQt, cRLpEr, @g`~wmUvw~w, cn~qn, kqEr#@g`d, sAG`r`m, udEvQl, prN n`gvQh`ry v#nQ ip#rNQ gY`m in~ smh@rkQ.

a#w#m| vQt, Itq @pr k@lkqW sAGmQw~w` mh` @wrNQy vQsQn~ sQrQm`@b`~ X`K`-smQ[En~ v#dmkrvn lq~@q~ q emgQn~m# vQy#yEwS bvtq anEm`n krnE l#@b|.

y`pn@y~ @b`qE-s}`n sQwQym:

ihwQn~~ s[hn~ krnlq @vb|-advQyt pQvQsQ vQgsQn~, ehQ sQAhL s}`n-n`m l#yQs~wSvt ihlQn~ qk~v` a#wQ @ktQ h#[Qn~vWm| anEv, ek~ ek~ awSr# j`l-pQtE vQv^w~w krw~m#, uwSr# h` n#@gnhQr pL`w~ q~vyy pEr` pvw~n` h` p#v#wQ apYm`N @b_q{ sQq{s}`nyn~ h[En`gw h#kQ@v|. h[En` g#NW@m| phsEv s[h` ehQ s[hn~kr a#wQ y`pn@y~ @b_q{ s~}`n ynE@vn~ qk~v` a#wQ sQwQy@m|, nQl~ p`t akSrQn~ (q#nt - iAgYWsQ a]r@yn~ pmNQ)~ uwSr#kr@y~ @b_q{ s~}`nyn~ @pn~v` wQ@b|.

y`p`ptE@n~ @b_q~{ n;T`v@X~; awS@rn~ kqEr#@g`d vQh`r@y~ wvmw~ iwQrQv# a#wQ ntbEn~ vR q`g#b| sAK&`v pmNk~ h#tkQ (60). pQrQnQvn~ p$ rhwSn~ vhn~@s~~l`@g~ x;~m`v@X~; @h`~ X`rWrQk {`wS e~v`@y~ w#n~pw~ vn~nt a#w ynE jnpYv`qyyQ. ehQ qk~nt l#@bn vtq`@gyk vw~mn~ C`y`r$pyk~q @mhQ phw pL@v|.

“kqEr#@g`d” yn~n m$w k`lWN qmQLkrN@yn~ anwSr#v#, “kn~w@r`~@dyQ”Q ynE@vn~ v&vh`ryt lk~vW a#ww~, @mm @@ewQh`sQk sQq{s~}`n@y~ ntbEn~ qmQL wYs}ynt vQn`X@k`tgw @n`hW, wvmw~ vQr`jm`Nv# p#v#wWmm# vQ;~myjnky.

kqEr#@g`d pEr`N vQh`r@y~ - vtq`@gy shQw prQv`r q`g#b| kQhQpyk~

@qmL-Il`m| v`qy pr`jy krmE!

@mhQ ihwQn~ s[hn~ krn lq an~wrj`l-w#n~nt (Web-Site) pQvQ@sn~n#yQ @l`v# @k`w#nvEv @v@sn sQyUm sQAhL @q~X@pY~mWn~@gn~ il~l`sQtQnE l#@b|. ehQ q#k~@vn sQAhLS s}`n - n`myn~ h#mq`, sQyU wn~hQqW x`vQw` krn @mn~ q il~l`sQtQnE l#@b|.

e@mn~~m#, XYQ lAk`@v| r`j& p`lkyQn~, r`j& @s~v`vn~hQ nQyEk~wyQn~, r`j& - @n`vn sh a@nkSw~ mhjn`ywn, @svc|C`ywn, pY`@q~XWy prQp`Ln @]wYyn~, a`r]k @s~v` pY{`NQn~ sh nQyEk~wQyn~ @mn~m#, sQyU jnm`{&`wnyn~, pYv&w~wQpwY kl`-@v|qWn~, v`rw`kr#vn~, gSvn~vQqElQ h` r$pv`hQNW a`ywn sh @mkW-@n`kW q$-hQwk`mW sQyl~ln~@gn~ q @mm v#qgw~ avX&w`vy @n`pQrQ@hl` itE@vnE a#w#yQ a@p~]` @k@r. sQyUm m`{& @v|qWn~t @mhQl` kLh#kQ agn` j`wQk @m@hvr amQLy. awQ pYbly. yEg@y~ pYbL a#v#sQy`@vk~q @v|.

@mnyQn~, Il`m|v`qW qmQL-nQjbQm| sAkl~p@yn~ jnQwv# rtt vQnkrn j`wQk v&sny pr`jy krmE. @qmLkrNyt lk~vW a#wQ qQvyQ@n~ sms~} s}`n n`myn~ h[En`@gn#, aq`L sQAhL n`myn~@g~ x`vQwy @n`pm`v# qQyw~krmE. e@s~ kQrWm kQsQ@s~w~m j`wQv`qyk nm|~ @n`@v|.

wvq, @mhQ mElQn~ qk~vnlq prQqQm @qmL jnw`vt sQy @qmL x`;`my-svr@yn~~ uc|c`rNy kLh#kQ prQq~@qn~m iqQrQytq e~ e~ s}`n-n`myn~ Xb|qkQrWmt @h`~ lQvWmt @h`~ @myQn~ b`{`@vk~ @k`@hw~m# sQqEvn~@n~ n#wQ bvq s#L#kQy yEwSy. sQAhLy` vn`hW, a#w awWw@y~ sQtm @ssE j`wWn~@g~ sAsk^wQy, bs, jWvn rt`, a#q#hQLQ h` vw~pQLQ@vw~ smwn~hQl` gr#kL bv mEU @l`vm qNW. XYW lAk`v @n`@h`w~ sQAh@L~ h#r#NEvQt, r@t| jnghN@yn~ sQyyt 9k~ pmN vE (aq @mm sAK&`, @l~KNvlt pmk~ sWm` @vyQQ) sEUwrykt, ehQ bhEwr (75%) pErv#sQyn~t hQmQ sQyUm ayQwWn~ h` vrpYs`q @k@rhQ, vcn@y~ prQsm`p~w`r}@yn~m# “sm-w#n~” pQrQnm` a#wQ (bst pmNk~ @n`@v|) @vnw~ kvrnm| q#yk~ @h`~ rtk~ @v|q…? @n`@v|m#yQ…!

· ap a`qrNWy lk~ mv qQ@n~v`!!

· @b`qE ssEN @l`v b#b#@l~v`!!!

- a`nn~q vQ@j~sQAh

Ananda Wijesinghe

e-mail [email protected]

Buddhist Sites Map: also Attached

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Significant number of urban Tamils back Rajapksa's policy: Poll

Colombo (PTI): Contrary to popular beliefs, a significant segment of Tamilians living in urban Sri Lanka has endorsed President Mahinda Rajapaksa's policy to deal with LTTE and maintain law and order, according to an opinion poll.

Twenty-one per cent of the non-upcountry Tamils and 42 per cent of the Muslim community, the main minority ethnic groups, are satisfied with the law and order situation in the island country, the opinion poll by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), an autonomous body, reveals.

Around 49.8 per cent Muslims and 20 per cent non-upcountry Tamils are also pleased with the way the government is fighting the battle against terror, it says.

The survey shows that the overwhelming majority of the Sri Lankan people are satisfied with the way the President is conducting the war.

It says that 87.3 per cent of the country's main ethnic group (Sinhalese) surveyed support the government's war on terror while 84.4 per cent approve its rule of law.

"This proves that the great majority of the Sri Lankan population is behind the government in its campaign against terror," an official statement said.

The results of the November 2007 survey, in general, reflect the opinion of Sri Lankans who live in eight provinces (excluding the North, East included) on issues such as war, peace, security, the economy, human rights, media freedom, corruption, balances of military power among other areas.

The Hindu

Sri Lanka – A comprehensive view of the current situation

Sri Lankans must learn from history. For over 2000 years, Tamil Chieftains from South India have invaded Sri Lanka several times, and indeed temporarily occupied parts of the country. They were always beaten back. However, their remnants settled peacefully in the country. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) terrorist group, which has close links to organizations in the Indian State of Tamil Nadu (meaning "the Land of the Tamils"), even uses the tiger emblem of those ancient Chola invaders of Lanka. The symbolism cannot be ignored. The patient aspiration to take over most, if not all, of Sri Lanka has never died, and in the last century, taken various guises such as the pre-independence 50/50 movement, the proposed merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces to form a "homeland" within a loose federation, and the terrorism perpetrated for the formation of a separate country called Tamil Eelam in a region of Sri Lanka that includes, and is bigger than, the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Thus, in dealing with the central issue faced, essentially the future of Sri Lanka as one island, one country, one government, we must consider the next centuries and millennia; not simply the issues facing the generations that are present today.

Who are the minority?

The Tamil community of Sri Lanka has significant interaction with the Tamil Nadu State. The Tamil language, culture, Hindu religion, geography, similar caste structure and inter-marriage bind them closely. Tens of thousands of people from Tamil Nadu came to Sri Lanka as illicit immigrants ("kallathoni") in the fifties to the seventies. Sri Lankan Tamils either escaping or even fermenting the violence in the Northern Province have been able to land in Tamil Nadu easily and live there more or less at will. LTTE cells, supply bases, training classes, and naval operations running people and arms operate freely, except for rare police raids.

Tamil Nadu politicians cannot survive unless they speak openly about Sri Lankan issues and in support of the positions of the WTM. Tamil Nadu MP's in the Lok Sabha are vociferous in their interference in Sri Lankan internal matters. Given that the homeland of Tamils exists in the form of Tamil Nadu, with a population of almost 70 million, one must question why another is needed in tiny Sri Lanka, unless the ultimate goal is amalgamation.

The Sinhala people of Sri Lanka have no such connection with India. The Sinhala are an ethnic group that is strictly a Sri Lankan mix of many ancient migrations from Northern India, other Asian countries and aboriginal people, with no current common language, religion, or intermarriage with India. Both have legitimate aspects that help their claim to be a minority.

Clearly, one cannot simply assume, as many NGO's and countries do, that the Sinhala need no protection of their rights, but that only the Tamils of Sri Lanka do so. Some would argue that it is the Sinhala who are an ethnic minority in South Asia, with no connections to any Indian State, and that they are the one's who require protection.

Aspirations of international Tamil organisations

We must not make the mistake of focusing only on one Sri Lankan terrorist group. The local terrorists, the LTTE, are controlled to a large extent, supported and nourished by the World Tamil Movement (WTM) an international organization that is similar to Al Qaeda, which spans Sri Lanka, Tamil Nadu and many other countries. The WTM is administered by the World Tamil Coordinating Committee (WTCC). The LTTE is the violent arm of the WTM. It is a truism that time is on the side of those who wish to unravel constitutional and political structures of nations. The WTM strongly believes, indeed knows, that time is on their side. The WTM and its partner the 'Tamil Nadu Liberation Front' have a plan to combine the so called Tamil Eelam with Tamil Nadu since it has realized that Tamil Eelam is not a viable economic entity. There is a significant body of literature on this subject. There is even discussion of annexing the Maldives as well as large parts of Indian States such as Kerala to form what they call "Greater ('Vishala') Tamil Nadu" (GTN). (See a map of the GTN in: http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/ltte-maps.htm)

The above aspirations are not so unrealistic if one considers a time scale of centuries. Indeed in 1988 the LTTE revealed the plans for a GTN when it invaded and tried to take over the Maldives. A small "victory" in the present era, such as a federal constitution for Sri Lanka, will be seen as simply a stepping stone to further "victories" in future. It is much easier to dislodge a "state" from a federation, than a land area that has no politically recognized boundary. The push for Tamil Eelam will continue to occur over the next decades and centuries, regardless of any new constitution for Sri Lanka that is signed by current Tamil leaders. Any one who believes otherwise is very naïve and does not understand history. The large numbers of Tamils who reside in Sri Lanka and think otherwise are a helpless but significant minority that is terrorized by the LTTE.

The LTTE terrorist group

With direction, funds and intellectual support from the WTM, the LTTE has killed thousands of people of all ethnic groups including large numbers of Tamils. It invented suicide bombings, used over 250 suicide bombers to kill mostly civilians, trains other terrorist groups of the world, kidnaps Tamil children, has mastered human shield tactics, runs an arms smuggling and drug selling operation through WTM ships, and collects enormous funds from Tamils of the world. It has murdered almost all senior civilian Tamil leaders of Sri Lanka as well as many leading Sinhala politicians. It is banned all over the world. It will never support even a true short term peace. It has used every lull in the fighting, formal or informal, to further its cause and prepare for future terrorist activities. While it is active, it will never allow moderate Tamil leaders to negotiate an agreement. Its real leaders are anonymous leaders of the WTM, mostly professional Tamils from the West who arm the active terrorists, provide intellectual support, carry on drug and arms smuggling operations, provide legal assistance, and mount massive international disinformation and lobbying campaigns. Only the WTM can cause the LTTE to stop its violence. The moderate Tamil leaders of Sri Lanka cannot influence the WTM with its vision of Eelam and subsequently the Greater (Vishala) Tamil Nadu. It is a fundamental mistake to assume that the LTTE is in control and is simply supported by the WTM. In fact the WTM has a long term plan, funds and influence, and its terrorist arm is the LTTE.

Responsibilities of the Sinhala

The Sinhala majority of Sri Lanka made a fundamental mistake after Sri Lanka obtained independence from the UK, when it failed to a large extent in its stewardship of all minorities including sub groups such as Eastern Tamils.. The Sinhalese were misguided in trying to establish Sinhala as the official language of Sri Lanka. The majority has a responsibility to support the reasonable aspirations of minorities, even if the same minorities also make other unreasonable demands.

Attacks by Sinhala thugs on Tamil people

Body counts are not useful; nevertheless, it should be noted that the LTTE and other Tamil terrorist groups (the latter, by now destroyed by the LTTE) have killed in order of magnitude more Sinhala and Muslim and indeed Tamil civilians since the early eighties, in comparison to those killed by Sinhala thugs. It should also be noted that the majority of Sinhala people helped and protected Tamils in 1983 when such riots erupted in response to the first LTTE massacre of a vehicle full of soldiers. Tamil families are the witness to the support of the majority of ordinary Sinhala families that protected them at risk to themselves. The inability or unwillingness of the Sri Lankan Government of that time to prevent that violence is inexcusable. The 1983 incident, and the 1950's attempt to make Sinhala the official language are the two crutches that the WTM/LTTE keeps using to demand separation. I believe that Sinhala people, even the less educated classes, now recognize the foolishness and uselessness of such thuggery, as it is they who have had to prosecute the war through the "volunteer" armed forces. No current leader, group or political party would support such activities, given the price that has been paid, and the magnificent opportunity that was handed to the WTM/LTTE propaganda machine. Indeed, today's leaders of all parties would work actively to prevent such a situation. It is noted that there has been no violence from the Sinhala community for over a quarter of a century when they have been subject to suicide bombs and LTTE massacres of whole villages.

Role of international organizations and foreign countries

The international community has not fully recognized that the WTM is similar to Al Qaeda. They are not concerned about the long term prospects for Sri Lanka in terms of future millennia. Many of these countries and organizations, including the Indian Civil Service, have been infiltrated by the WTM. For them, a ceasefire together with a federal constitution for Sri Lanka, with a separate state for the combined North and East will be a superb solution! They will not be around to suffer the consequences when the next round of separation begins in a few decades, from the new vantage point of a "state".

Only the USA had banned the LTTE before September 11, 2001, even though front and leadership organizations such as the WTM and WTCC continued their work unabatedly. After September 11, 2001, others have done so too. Though even organizations such as the WTM are now in some difficulty Western countries have shown only half hearted interest in closing them down, due to their infiltration of political parties and organizations. Obviously, a major difficulty is that Sri Lanka requires development and military assistance from countries such as the USA and Japan.

A Tamil homeland?

The Oxford English Dictionary describes a homeland as "an autonomous state inhabited by a particular people", while the Merriam-Webster Dictionary says it is "a state or area set aside to be a state for a people of a particular national, cultural or racial origin". An examination of the concept of a homeland in the context of Sri Lanka shows how untenable it will be. Imagine a homeland of a combined Northern and Eastern Province "set aside" for Tamils to essentially "inhabit" and be "autonomous" within Sri Lanka. First of all the Sinhala and Muslim people in the Eastern Province will not accept such a concept of combining a Province, in which they are a joint majority, with a larger Northern Province dominated completely by Tamils. Secondly, the majority of Tamils who now "inhabit" areas outside the so called "homeland, will want to continue to do so. Indeed hundreds of thousands of Tamils have voted with their money against the homeland concept by buying real estate in the Colombo District. That also indicates that they have put the 1983 incident behind them. There is no chance that they will want to "inhabit" the "homeland". Nor should they have to go to the "homeland".

Thirdly and more recently, Eastern Province Tamil parties have come out against a merger. If the Northern and Eastern Provinces are the homeland of Tamils, are the rest of the provinces the homeland of Sinhala people? Muslims and Sinhala should be able to live freely in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Tamils should be free to live in all provinces of Sri Lanka, operating actively in their language. The WTM wants a "homeland" in a major portion of Sri Lanka where only the Tamil language, culture and governance etc is extant, while they also want full and complete rights in all other parts of the country. That is not a sustainable solution. The only real solution is for all people to be able to live freely and operate actively in their own language, and practice their own culture, in all provinces of Sri Lanka.

A referendum of course will not end in a meaningful finality: Sri Lanka cannot and will not endanger its sovereignty by allowing any third party to run a referendum. Thus a rejection of the joint sate concept will not be accepted by the WTM/LTTE on the convenient basis that the Sri Lankan Government rigged the election. On the other hand, the WTM/LTTE will do their best to rig the election by violent and other means. Thus a fair referendum will be impossible to hold. This is not stated from a view that a referendum should be held if it is possible to hold a fair one. The case has been made earlier that under no circumstances should a merger be even contemplated.

Basic human rights of individuals and society as a whole

In theory, human rights are guaranteed under the Sri Lankan constitution. However, given the national fabric has been torn apart since the 1980's by one of the world's most vicious terrorist groups, the LTTE, human rights in some cases have fallen into the cracks. That is no excuse and an independent judiciary, Attorney General, Police and elected leaders must ensure that human rights are guarded while also ensuring the rights of society as whole.

Take the example of a terrorist who has parked a truck bomb. The only information available is that the bomb will detonate in one hour and that it is designed to kill about a thousand people. The terrorist has been apprehended. Injection of a 'truth serum' has not worked. Physical punishment meted out will elicit the required information. How are the authorities to balance the rights of the terrorist, against the right to life of the 1000 people? There are no easy answers to human rights issues and the only solution is to make an honest attempt each and every time to consider the balance of rights.

Developed western countries, that are fighting a dirty war against the Al Qaeda under difficult circumstances, require our understanding. They must equally understand the problems facing Sri Lanka, a small developing country, as it struggles to find that balance while fighting an enemy with a worldwide network and organization. Sri Lanka's legal, governing and other institutions have not had the time to establish the traditions, just 50 years after 500 years of colonial rule, that, for example, a UK will have.

The future of Sri Lanka

In a forthcoming article, the writer will explore a possible future for Sri Lanka with ideas about a unitary country, active National language rights, new idea about Provincial language rights with asymmetry, Provinces with new rights as the unit of devolution, the key aspects to be controlled by the National Government, the Presidency, the military defeat of the LTTE, a renewed commitment to human rights, a truth and reconciliation commission, support for reasonable aspirations of Tamils, and a true multi ethnic armed force.

By S.C.WIRASINGHE, BSc (Ceylon), PhD (Berkeley), DSc Honoris Causa (Moratuwa)

"Tamils for Clinton" - Clinton fundraising ties to terror group

On December 4, 2007, we reported that members of the terrorist organization Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), more commonly known as the Tamil Tigers, were arrested in New York for their plot to use stolen credit card numbers and other methods to steal $250,000 in New York "and tens of millions from ATMs worldwide."

One of the men arrested worked three jobs at Newark Airport as a security agent and baggage handler with complete security clearance. The Tamil Tigers are well known for their use and "perfection" of terrorists' "suicide belts" and vests, and the use of females as suicide bombers as illustrated in our report published earlier this month.

Further investigation conducted by this investigator of Tamil Tiger activity in the U.S. confirmed published reports that at least one well-known supporter of that terrorist organization, 56 year-old New Jersey resident Ramanathan RANJAN is actively soliciting funds for New York Senator and Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton

RANJAN, of New Brunswick, NJ was identified as an approved recipient for funds solicited by Pat PATHMAKUMAR through her e-mail campaign containing "Tamils for Clinton" in the subject line. A fund raising event this week in New Jersey at The State Theater in New Brunswick, advertised on Clinton's web site, offered potential donors tickets ranging from $100 - $2,300, depending upon seat selection. Although the referral list has been removed from the site, the Northeast Intelligence Network was able to secure a list of referrals that included the names of both RANJAN and PATHMAKUMAR.

Notably, RANJAN was an organizer of "LTTE Heroes Day," an event that praised and eulogized LTTE terrorists and homicide bombers on December 2, 2006. That event was held in the auditorium at the south Brunswick Middle School in New Brunswick, New Jersey. According to reports of the event, the terror group's flag was raised as those in attendance sang the LTTE anthem.

RANJAN is noted to be the state coordinator of the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO), identified by the US State Department as a front organization of the LTTE.

By Doug Hagmann, Canada Free Press

Rajapakse's nationalistic foreign policy pays dividends

Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse's foreign policy based on an aggressive display of nationalism appears to be paying off.

In the two years Rajapakse has been in power, the government has taken on the UN and the West and has rapped multilateral bodies on the knuckles for being soft on the Tamil Tigers.

It has also demonstrated closeness to China and Pakistan regardless of how India, the only neighbour, may view it. But Colombo has been none the worse for all the boldness, even if it has smacked of adventurism and abrasiveness at times.

There has been consistent and strident international criticism of the way the regime is handling the ethnic crisis, especially the huge humanitarian problem unending fighting has triggered. But foreign governments and multilateral organisations have been reluctant to translate expressions of displeasure into corrective action.

As an analyst put it, "The international community has barked, but not bitten."

Western governments and West-based international organisations had got into the habit of making unsolicited comments on the internal affairs of Sri Lanka, often lecturing to its leaders on good governance, democracy and prudent political management. Not surprisingly, Sri Lankans find this condescending and annoying.

Under the regime of Rajapakse, the popular trend here is to launch hostile campaigns against foreign governments and international bodies including those affiliated to the UN. At times, cabinet ministers and leading lights in parliament spearhead these campaigns.

Surprisingly, the responses of the affected governments and organisations have been tepid. There has been no threat of withdrawal from the country by any group. Nor has there been any significant reduction of aid, on which Sri Lanka is so heavily dependent.

Some time ago, Britain and Germany had announced cuts in their aid, citing the continued conflict and slow progress in the peace process. But the amounts were small. And Japan, the single largest donor, has stated that it will continue to aid Sri Lanka despite the human rights violations, because stoppage of aid will only harm the innocent poor in the country.

Although depending on the US for help to fight the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) globally, Rajapakse recently paid a state visit to Iran, America's enemy. The visit was a success in terms of project aid, as Iran gave Sri Lanka what Rajapakse asked for.

At the Commonwealth summit at Kampala, the Sri Lankan stand on Pakistan's expulsion was at variance with that of the others, including Britain, Canada and Australia whose help too is vital to break the LTTE's global links.

Sri Lanka went out of the way to tout Pakistan's case even at the risk of alienating India. But Colombo was none the worse for all that. It was made part of a group charged with the task of talking to Pakistan.

Rajapakse's highly publicised support to Pakistan at Kampala was an expression of gratitude for helping out Sri Lanka with urgent military aid in 2000 when the LTTE was knocking at the gates of Jaffna and India failed to respond to cries of help.

Sri Lankans never tire of pointing out that it was to India that they had turned first but all that New Delhi offered was help to evacuate the beleaguered Sri Lankan troops.

The president has cleverly made use of both Pakistan and India in his fight against the LTTE. While the Indians have been made to supply "defensive" equipment like radars, Pakistan has been involved in the enhancement of the strike capability of the Sri Lankan Air Force. Successful air actions have helped curb the LTTE.

Regardless of possible repercussions for India, Rajapakse had got China to fund a major development project with international strategic implications. Chinese help for a mega international port at Humbantota in the south did set off alarm bells in India but New Delhi did little to prevent the president's lurch towards Beijing.

The success of Sri Lanka's aggressively independent stance was reflected in the outcome of the 6th session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva that concluded Friday.

To the great embarrassment of Sri Lanka, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, declared that the Colombo government's human rights enforcement machinery was ineffective and urged the setting up of a UN rights monitoring office in the country.

Arbour's call came in the context of the fact that, through 2006 and 2007, 290,000 civilians, mostly Tamils and some Muslims, had been displaced by the war and over 3,500 were killed. Attacks, extortions, abductions, disappearances and arbitrary detentions were going on, sometimes with state backing and aided by the tough anti-terror law made in December 2006.

The delegations of the US, EU, France, South Korea, Sweden, Canada and New Zealand voiced support for Arbour's call to set up a UN monitoring office in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka seemed to be isolated, but it fought the move tooth and nail -- and succeeded in scuttling it.

Talking the battle into the adversary's territory, its ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Dayan Jayatilleke, said his country did not want to be "preached" by states whose human rights record was "far from perfect". Sri Lanka would take advice from international bodies only when these had "transparency of funding" and when their agendas were "not donor driven", he declared brazenly.

Sri Lankan officials had kept hammering the point that their country could not be asked to observe Queensberry Rules in a war-cum-insurgency situation in which a beleaguered state was battling one of the most ruthless and well-organised insurgent groups in the world. They accused the UN agencies and international rights organisations of not taking adequate note of the LTTE's rights violations or rapping it hard enough.

To the delight of Sri Lankan delegation and disappointment of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the UN council concluded its deliberations without passing the expected resolution castigating Sri Lanka. Japan, India and the Philippines had thrown their weight behind Sri Lanka at the council.

Clearly, the LTTE's behaviour since the Norway-sponsored ceasefire agreement in 2002 had helped the Sri Lankan government bolster its case against censure.

The LTTE had scuttled peace talks, provoked the government to take military action, bombed civilians outside the war zone and assassinated political leaders by using suicide bombers.

The international community was indeed concerned about the suffering of the Tamils and Muslims in the war zones of the north and east. But this concern could not be translated into concrete support for these communities because the LTTE would not play ball. The LTTE was also using forms of violence like suicide bombing which are deplored in the present day world.

India shared Sri Lanka's views on the LTTE as it had discovered, over years of close interaction, that it could not have any meaningful interaction with that militant group. The LTTE was too narrow minded and intransigent for that.

As for Japan, it had turned hostile to the LTTE after its repeated efforts to get it to the negotiating table failed. The LTTE had also spurned Japanese offers of development aid if it took the path of peace. No wonder then that both New Delhi and Tokyo stood by Colombo at Geneva.

While Colombo's case at the Human Rights Council may have some merits, the persistent attacks against UN organisations and international NGOs seem to be needlessly confrontational. But here again, there has been no backlash of any kind from the affected parties.

Unicef has come in for much flak both in parliament and outside for having, in its offices, "Ready to Eat" food packets supplied by a French military contractor. It was alleged that the packets were meant for the LTTE's fighting units!

Unicef explained that such packets were routinely distributed among its offices in conflict areas across the globe as part of a survival kit. But the government remained unconvinced and police sleuths were told to probe the allegation.

International NGOs working in the conflict zone routinely face hostility, both in word and deed.

British High Commissioner Dominic Chilcott appealed to Sri Lankans not to demonise UN organizations, but this fell on deaf ears. At any rate, Chilcott had spoilt his case by saying that the LTTE's demand for an independent "Eelam" was not "illegitimate".

The government not only summoned him for a dressing down but also announced that it would complain to the Foreign Office in London.

Earlier, in August, cabinet minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle called the UN Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, John Holmes, a "terrorist who had taken money from the LTTE". Holmes had said that Sri Lanka was a "risky" place for aid workers.

When UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon described Fernandopulle's remark as "unacceptable and unwarranted", the minister made it plain that he did not "care a damn." The UN's response to this was silence.

By P.K. Balachandran, IANS