Namal Has No Inhibitions About Discussing His Profitable Organization Offers

By Rajiva Wijesinha -

4543e sri lanka Rajiva 150x150 Namal Has No Inhibitions About Discussing His Profitable Organization Offers

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Guarantee: Dopey 3

Namal in fact had no inhibitions about discussing with buddies the profitable enterprise bargains he was involved in. But it is attainable that he did not think there was anything incorrect with all these. More than the years a culture of close involvement of politicians with the enterprise sector had created, and the favours received from them had been observed merely as tokens of friendship – as were the concessions and contracts the complaisant businessmen received. So Chandrika Kumaratunga benefited as President from the largesse of a businessman known as Ronnie Pieris, who did extremely well beneath the regime, although one more close pal who had worked for Emirates ended up, when he was appointed head of Air Lanka, as it employed to be identified, by subordinating it to that airline. Emirates emerged strengthened immeasurably by the partnership while Air Lanka lost a lot of the reputation and the attain it had earlier enjoyed. But these seemed isolated examples, and the connections to any incentives had been never direct.

But by the time the Rajapaksa regime was settled in, the potential for company had expanded immeasurably, and Namal, with initially a lower profile than these holding executive positions, but with certainly the greatest influence of all, was soon swiftly befriended by several regional and foreign businessmen. But as with the Packer deal, he could doubtless convince himself that he was advertising far more financial activity in Sri Lanka, and that the nation would also advantage.

809c9 sri lanka Namal and Mahinda Namal Has No Inhibitions About Discussing His Profitable Organization OffersOne more region in which his friends had a field day was the Stock Exchange, which it quickly became identified was being ruthlessly manipulated. The President’s vital innocence about this sort of thing seemed apparent when he appointed as its Chairman Indrani Sugathadasa, a former senior public servant of wonderful integrity, who was also the wife of his Secretary Lalith Weeratunge. But just before lengthy she felt obliged to resign, and the President accepted her resignation. She had asked her husband just before she resigned regardless of whether it would impact his position, and he had reassured her because he did not consider he could contribute to the vitiation of her integrity. But, offered that it was rumoured that Namal had played a function, on behalf of his buddies, in generating her position untenable, the matter obviously impacted his personal feelings and his possible effectiveness.

Mrs Sugathadasa was replaced by an additional figure of known integrity, a former Member of Parliament, Tilak Karunaratne. He was also concerned about education, and was a member of an advisory group I had set up named Religion, Education And Pluralism. After he was appointed, he recommended that we meet in the Security Exchanges Commission office, since that would save him the extended journey to my Reconciliation Office which was near Parliament. I asked him then how confident he felt about his position, and the clearing up he thought was vital, and he told me that the President had assured him of a totally free hand to restore self-confidence. But inside a handful of months he too resigned.

His successor was deemed far more prepared to oblige those in power, but even he, shortly following his appointment, was rumoured to have attributed a shaky transaction to the Secretary of Defence. The matter was hushed up, but it was a sad decline for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, whose reputation for economic integrity had earlier been above reproach. The association with Duminda Silva had dealt it a blow, but now it seemed that he also had systemic involvements with big company. This seemed additional established with the incident at Weliweriya, where it was claimed that the forces had been referred to as out at the behest of the Chairman of a organization which was under criticism for polluting the water provide.

Ironically, there was no evidence that the firm had deviated from safety requirements, and Gotabaya’s view that the protests had been orchestrated was almost certainly appropriate. Entertainingly, if tragically from the viewpoint of the bereaved, the protests against the business had been promoted by Mervyn Silva, who was believed to be close to Basil as a major politician of the Gampaha District where Basil had headed the poll for the government. But the initial qualms of the individuals about the water provide had not been addressed, even though misleading details about the PH aspect of the water in the area had contributed to anxieties which burst out in fervent protests. The selection then to deploy the army may possibly have been made in the belief that, if protracted and violent, the factory would be damaged – but the upshot was that the factory had to move, given the resentment the deaths roused. That this was largely due to internal rivalries was symptomatic of how far the government of President Rajapaksa had moved from its initial unity. And the absence of any systems to appear swiftly into public grievances created it clear that no one particular was interested in advertising the grass roots level consultations, with prompt redress for issues, that had been a cornerstone of the Rajapaksa manifesto.

Though the President must in the finish take responsibility for the failure to live up to his ideals, the truth is that he was now operating in a planet really distinct from the easy understanding of politics that he had evinced in his own profession, and which he had inherited from his father and his uncle ahead of him. Mahinda Rajapaksa was the initial elected leader of Sri Lanka who did not come from the Western Province, and his commitment as a result to rural improvement was special (although it should also be granted that President Premadasa before him, from the Western Province but a comparatively deprived background, also understood and worked on the want for equitable development). But he left the bulk of activity in this regard to Basil, who concentrated on cement rather than people. Gotabaya, although devoted to his soldiery, often thought safety required repression of men and women who evinced hostility, even of the mildest sort. And Namal, who ought to have been most concerned with the Rajapaksa legacy, was emphatically a child of Colombo, devoted to the concerns of the rich with whom his closest associations have been.

Mahinda Rajapaksa had perhaps been lucky in that his mentor had not been capable to gain him admission to S. Thomas’ when he moved to Colombo. He had been told by the then Warden of the College that it was too late to bring the boy into conformity with the culture there. But Namal’s admission to that elite establishment was facilitated in the nineties and, although he did not shine in school, and was certainly deemed a straightforward but decent youngster, he absorbed a culture which was by then orientated towards the consumerism of the West. The magnificient collection of watches that Namal possessed, brand names in designs and colours to match whatever else he might be wearing, was probably the most critical symbol of what his education had given him

But what was far more critical than such tastes was his potential to finance such tastes. My personal understanding of how the young man operated created when I was told by Arjuna Ranatunga, former Sri Lankan Cricket Captain, how Namal had sought to profit by investment in cricket. Arjuna had been an SLFP Member of Parliament, but he had left the celebration in 2010 to help Sarath Fonseka, so it is feasible that his story was coloured by his political position. But he had generally had a reputation for integrity as well as strength of character, and I had found him a committed colleague at the Committee on Public Enterprises, exactly where he had also evinced a powerful social commitment.

He had been particularly scathing in the examination of Sri Lanka Cricket, exactly where his brother had been the Chief Executive whilst also operating for the Carlton Sports Network. His questioning made it clear that the award to that Network of telecasting rights for cricket matches, a especially profitable contract, had been irregular. But Arjuna also noted that the losses Sri Lanka Cricket was creating was because of huge expenditure to develop up stadiums for the Globe Cup in which we had been co-hosts. His point was that this was unnecessary, since when he had been in charge of Sri Lanka Cricket he had reached an agreement with the World Physique that the facilities we had did not call for enormous upgrading for the purposes for which they would be used.

Later he told me that the President had wanted him to develop a globe class cricket stadium in Hambantota, his personal District, the list of representatives for which in Parliament was now headed by Namal. Arjuna had told him that such expenditure would be a waste, and that it produced much more sense to create facilities in schools in the area to train up youngsters. The President had seemed annoyed, but he had evidently taken to heart Arjuna’s point that, whilst the nation must not invest on this, he was prepared to function on it if there had been an investor – for Namal named Arjuna up soon afterwards to say he had one particular accessible.

The dilemma was that, when Arjuna had told him it would price about 15 million dollars, Namal had asked him to say it would be 30. Arjuna stuck to his figure when the man was brought to see him, and the man had seemed interested, but stated he wanted to be confident Arjuna remained in charge. But Arjuna stated he could not assure that, provided his political commitments, and the investor lost interest. But the stadium was then constructed, at huge and unnecessary expense as Arjuna described it.

The President doubtless went ahead with the project simply because of his devotion to his residence District. He had already had a harbour built there, which created a lot of sense provided that it lay on properly employed sea routes. Though there have been difficulties connected with a rock that seemed an obstruction, those could doubtless be overcome, and in time the harbour would probably prove a sensible investment.

There was much less optimism about the new airport that had been constructed in the Hambantota District. Even though a second airport was a good idea, its siting left significantly to be preferred, considering that it was far from the coastal areas that it should have serviced if tourism was a priority. And no work had been made to develop the infrastructure in the region and guarantee excellent cause for passenger planes to get in touch with there. So the couple of that had began operating there gave up, and inside a couple of years there had been no typical flights there, except for some Sri Lankan Airlines flights that known as there en route to or from Colombo, an workout that was wasteful of time and income.

When to this was added a stadium in the District, it was clear that sentiment had overcome rationality. But the added difficulty, about the further cost which Namal’s involvement seemed to entail, was possibly not anything for which the President could be held straight accountable. It was clear nonetheless that his excessive indulgence was proving especially tough on the country.

And no matter whether Namal understood the needs of the country, as opposed to his own, seemed in doubt. One particular of the saddest stories about him was that he had not been worried about Sri Lanka losing the vote in Geneva in 2012, because that could be utilized to win votes at elections in Sri Lanka. It is tough to think that he could have been so callous about the forces who would be the victims of the Western try to pin war crimes charges on Sri Lanka, but it was argued that that may well clarify the own goals the Sri Lankan team engaged in, ignoring the approach of our Permanent Representative, Tamara Kunanayakam and her efforts to create up defences internationally. Sadly, inside a couple of years of Mahinda Rajapaksa becoming elected to his second term, choices seemed to be in the hands of those without having the capacity to program or think beyond their own interests.

Rajapaksa Family members Dynasty And Namal’s Business

By Rajiva Wijesinha -

e4336 sri lanka Rajiva 150x150 Rajapaksa Family members Dynasty And Namal’s Business

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Guarantee: Dopey two

Another consequence of the electoral system from which we now suffer is that simple name recognition is generally enough to ensure election. Frequently voters, possessing chosen the candidate from their constituency, use their other two preferences on these whose names they know. Naturally posters place up all over the electoral catchment area support in obtaining one’s name identified, but there are other simpler factors as well for some men and women to get votes. So film or sports stars do quite well at elections, as do these who receive publicity for other factors, by way of eccentric behavior, or even by being jailed, as occurred with a fairly unknown character from the opposition in the 2010 Basic Election.

And of course if one’s father or mother or brother or uncle is already an established politician, then 1 is more probably to choose up the loose preferences of a big quantity of the voters. In short, the kids of well identified politicians start with a built in advantage. Contrariwise, in the previous, when candidates had been selected for distinct electorates, they had to establish themselves in that location, as people with some connection with the constituency they wanted to represent. Now however they merely have to command patronage in order to get their names on the electoral lists. So in recent years there have been escalating numbers of children standing for election, and several of them have completed really properly. Whereas Mahinda Rajapaksa had to prove that he was the most capable of his siblings to step into his father’s seat, and whereas he lost elections under the 1st previous the post program and was not in Parliament for several years, Namal had no difficulty in acquiring nomination for the Hambantota District, and in topping the list there on preferences at the election. And he will certainly be in a position to get enough preferences in any future election to keep in Parliament, even if the SLFP becomes much less popular in the District than yet another celebration.

fbac7 sri lanka namal colombotelegraph 6 Rajapaksa Family members Dynasty And Namal’s BusinessNamal then is here to stay, and with the passing of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution that removed term limits, his father would naturally be capable to keep on as President, or to be precise as the Presidential candidate of his celebration, till Namal have been prepared to take his place. This was of course understood by other members of Parliament, and many saw friendship with Namal as their route to political advancement. Sensibly, Mahinda Rajapaksa did not give Namal a ministerial position, though this as well had adverse consequences, since it meant he did not give any new entrant to parliament executive workplace (the only exception initially being the former LTTE military wing leader, Karuna, whose support had been invaluable in dealing with his intransigent former comrades, right after he left the LTTE when it was clear they have been not interested in a negotiated solution).

So the President had to leave out folks of verified ability since, had he appointed them, the stress from sycophants to promote Namal, which had in any case arisen, would have been irresistible – and Namal too would have had stronger claims to a position. Certainly, when the President 1st gave Deputy Minister positions to new entrants, he gave a couple to those who had carried out ideal in their Districts, which would facilitate Namal’s appointment at the subsequent reshuffle – or rather, at the subsequent accession of Ministers, considering that in Sri Lanka no one is left out when modifications are produced.

But there were other methods to provide Namal with the possibilities for patronage for which ordinary politicians needed executive workplace. He headed a youth movement known as Tharunayata Hetak, a Future for the Young, which engaged in a variety of activities that brought him prestige and publicity. He was invited to preside over ceremonial occasions, and offered credit for what was carried out. And when the government settled folks from the south in some regions in the North, he even had a new village named right after him, Namalgama.

The forces indeed gave him considerably prominence. He had to be present when former LTTE cadres were released soon after rehabilitation. I came across a single specifically sad example of the unnecessary difficulties caused by this rage for recognition – or possibly the rage to bestow recognition, given that Namal probably would not have minded if he had not been invited to all such occasions – with regard to the restoration to their owners of some boutiques in Kilinochchi which the army had occupied. I was asked about these at a Reconciliation meeting, and I suggested the neighborhood organization that raised the question meet the Civil Affairs Office of the military, and find out what was planned. I often noted that the military had a proper to take over lands if important, but they had to make sure that this was indeed important, and that owners were properly compensated.

The officer who came to the meeting promised to look into the matter, but as we went out he mentioned they had already decided to give back the boutiques. When I asked why this had not been carried out, he stated that they had been waiting for Namal to be present to restore the deeds at a formal ceremony. This struck me as ridiculous, since it caused unnecessary suffering to the owners, and in any case it was the army that required to win hearts and minds, not politicians from the south. But the system of sycophancy rather than practicality was also effectively entrenched for my argument to have any effect, even even though the officer concerned understood the point.

Underlying the promotion of Namal by the forces was his association with Gotabaya who, without any obvious ambitions of his personal as it seemed early on, clearly far preferred Namal to Basil as the putative heir apparent. Although he by no means evinced, and most likely did not feel, hostility towards Basil, he produced no bones about his commitment to Namal, and the forces accordingly pushed the latter forward.

What appears to have been Gotabaya’s indulgence of Namal contributed to the erosion of the reputation he had previously enjoyed for honesty. In 2011, when it became clear that the Ministry of External Affairs was dysfunctional, the President took the choice to appoint what he termed Monitoring Members of Parliament to a handful of Ministries, to overlook their perform. This was an outrageous thought, due to the fact it suggested that Members of Parliament must in effect supervise the perform of Ministers, but in fact it was applied to quite handful of Ministries, and in most of them the Monitoring Member did extremely tiny. The exception was External Affairs, where Sajin Vass Gunawardena, confidante of both Namal and the President, constructed an empire for himself, but certainly there were special circumstances there.

Certainly the strategy seemed to have been made only for that Ministry but, possibly since that may have looked inordinately absurd, it was produced slightly much less so by being extended to a few other people. Later the President claimed that he had asked Members of Parliament to apply for these positions, but that was not the case, and the honour, such as it was, had been extended to just half a dozen of the new MPs.

Amongst these, apart from Sajin, the most prominent had been two really close pals of Namal, who were appointed as Monitoring Members for the Ministry of Defence. A single was Uditha Lokubandara, who was almost as young as Namal, and was the son of the former UNP Minister and Speaker, who had in impact supported Mahinda Rajapaksa right after he became President, and had been appointed as Governor of Sabaragamuwa Province right after the 2010 election.

Uditha was an enthusiastic young man, who did not present any problems. Nor maybe did the other Monitoring Member, offered the tight hold Gotabaya had on his Ministry. But this was Duminda Silva, who was alleged to be involved in drug dealing. Regardless of whether or not this was accurate, it did not redound to Gotabaya’s credit, which had previously been unsullied with regard to shady activities.

Matters became worse when Duminda, who had come over to the government from the UNP, was involved in a shootout in the course of a local election with a long standing SLFP politician, Bharatha Premachandra, for the causes of electoral rivalry recorded above. The latter died, and Duminda received a wound to the head which necessary protracted therapy, and seemed to have resulted in some sort of brain harm.

Gotabaya had rushed to hospital when Duminda was taken there, which might just have been standard decency for somebody supposedly involved with his Ministry, but it highlighted the association and led to speculation about the exact nature of the connection. Provided the extent of the fortune the Silva household commanded, which integrated also a media empire, it was naturally assumed that the Rajapaksa regime had benefited from their largesse. But to find it connected closely to the Secretary of Defence was a surprise that for the first time raised doubts about Gotabaya’s commitment to the ideals he professed.

This was especially ironic, given that he had recently launched a forceful campaign against drug dealers, and certainly Mervyn Silva, a maverick member of Parliament who was a single of Basil’s chief supporters in the Gampaha District, was reported to have been amongst these whose activities was below suspicion. Since frequent parlance had it that his associates had been distinct from these of Duminda Silva, the public revelation of Gotabaya’s closeness to the latter was specially worrying.

***

Namal meanwhile, provided the need for aspiring politicians to have access to huge amounts of funds for the electoral motives detailed above, was actively involved in company. He had set up a media organization known as the Carlton Sports Network, Carlton becoming the name of one particular of the loved ones homes in the south, and this quickly obtained a monopoly on the telecasting of well-liked sports programmes. The income the network could make from marketing were of course colossal.

Namal was also capable to command sponsorship for any activities he undertook. He had a penchant for quickly vehicles, so he set up an annual car race in Colombo for which sandbags had to be set up to permit for daredevil motorists, at least those capable to drive high-priced racing automobiles, to profession around. Early on in his parliamentary career, he arranged a enormous tamasha in this regard for which popular Indian film stars came down.

Initially this gave his profession an impetus, especially when some of the stars participated in programmes for former LTTE cadres getting rehabilitated. But as time passed, these events seemed quite a lot the preserve of privileged youngsters, and served to alienate him from the vast majority of Sri Lankan youngsters. Therefore Sri Lanka seemed to be playing out the tragedy of some a lot of other third planet nations, exactly where the scions of potent and apparently unassailably entrenched political families, such as Gaddafi’s young children, whose amusements were distinctly international in orientation, held unchallenged sway. And regrettably for the President, this was the much more marked since Sri Lanka had not suffered from such excesses ahead of. Dudley Senanayake had been a thorough and quite basic gentleman, so his father’s indulgence had triggered no issues, while he himself was unmarried and had no young children Jayewardene’s son had been fairly old when his father lastly came to power, and each Bandaranaikes as effectively as Premadasa had maintained discipline amongst their youngsters and not provided them political prominence.

As time passed, Namal’s company activities also took on distinct types. When in 2013 a scandal broke about a strategy for the Packer dynasty to set up a casino in Colombo, initially the assumption was that this was yet an additional of Basil’s enterprise offers, in terms of what he saw as priorities for financial improvement. But Basil was vital of the enterprise, and it was then rumoured that it was Namal who had established connections with James Packer. Definitely he felt himself entitled to negotiate about investment possibilities, with both neighborhood and foreign businessmen, and the rumours spread that all offers involved substantial commissions.

Does Gotabaya Drag Military Into Politics?

By Laksiri Fernando -

ba5eb sri lanka Laksiri Fernando 150x150 Does Gotabaya Drag Military Into Politics?

Dr. Laksiri Fernando

It seems that the Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, is openly taking inspiration from ‘terrorism.’ He at least defends his actions on the basis of terrorists. According to the lead story of ‘The Island’ newspaper yesterday (15 December 2014), reported by Shamindra Fernando, he has stated, “If terrorists can enter politics, why not forces personnel?”  

This is a dangerous trend. If the same logic is extended to human rights violations or war crimes, he can argue, ‘If terrorists can do such and such issues, why not forces personnel?” The citizens of Sri Lanka (such as myself) would like to know whether or not this is just an argument or whether this is the way he has been acting and intends to act.

He has employed the terrorist title for the LTTE (rightly so), and for the JVP (correct for the past), and claimed the same entitlements for the armed forces personnel. I do hope that the professional soldiers and their officers/commanders completely disengage and distance themselves from this sort of thinking and stick to their ‘code of discipline’ totally free from partisan politics.

It was like cat out of the bag. The occasion for this revelation, as reported by ‘The Island,’ was as follows.

The Maithripa la Sirisena’s Camp yesterday told the media that Defence Secretary Rajapaksa was utilizing Urban Improvement Authority (UDA) in President Rajapaksa’s campaign. Addressing the media, Opposition spokesman attorney-at-law Shiral Lakthilaka alleged that the UDA was operating digital screens in Colombo 24 hours a day to promote President Rajapaksa. Lakthilaka stated that the Opposition had a list of serving military personnel campaigning for the incumbent president.”

Not Denied

Let me take the most significant matter 1st, with my emphasis in the above quote. Defence Secretary has not denied the accusation that “serving military personnel campaigning for the incumbent president.” What he has mentioned is the following.

The vast majority of military would help the government simply because whatever the allegations, no one particular could deprive President Rajapaksa of giving political leadership to the effective war effort.”

Of course he has not admitted the accusation straight either. What he has clearly admitted is the use of “retired military personnel in President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign,” according to the report. He has defended that ‘use,’ citing the example of Sarath Fonseka.

4787b sri lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa Does Gotabaya Drag Military Into Politics?Even so he has gone some distance to prove that Fonseka entered politics whilst he was in workplace which clearly gives the indication that he most almost certainly using serving officers or the military for the election campaign. Two examples that he has given are the resignation letter of Fonseka as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) to the President, and his consultation with the JVP in late 2009 when he was in the US, nevertheless holding the CDS position.

I was 1 (among other individuals) who criticised Sarath Fonseka’s entry into politics at that juncture as a wrong precedence and also as a major military danger. That was 1 explanation why I supported Mahinda Rajapaksa at that election. Even so, 1 wrong does not make one more wrong (in this case a larger a single) excusable. Similarly, I have also criticised the retired judges getting into into politics, whatever the causes. There is no doubt that those who supported or promoted Fonseka at that election was imprudent whatever the discrimination or harassment that he had undergone beneath Rajapaksas. It is not private hatred or judgements that must govern our positions, but great governance and democratic principles.

Present Dangers

It is on record that many retired military and police officers have entered active politics. If it is just one or two, that could be ignored. Even so, when there is a trend or a horde, then that is alarming. If folks enter into politics from sectors exactly where independence is needed, then these persons’ independence for the duration of the service become questionable.

I bear in mind an ASP’s name allegedly implicated in repression in Jaffna in early 1981 when I visited there on a reality finding mission. Then he became a DIG and later entered politics.

Politicization of the armed forces (or police) is one particular of the key dangers of any society. That cannot be excused by referring to terrorism or taking the example of terrorism. Civilized globe anticipate various norms and behaviour from security forces to that of terrorists. The argument that “If terrorists can enter politics, why not forces personnel?” is undoubtedly a strange and an abhorrent argument. All professional soldiers and the officers need to reject the equation of the armed forces to terrorists.

It is very clear that the Defence Secretary is using (some) forces personnel for his brother’s election campaign. He is also performing this as a ‘civil servant’ and as a Secretary of a Ministry. This is a extremely clear violation of election laws and ‘free and fair elections.’ One particular proof of this violation is his utterances themselves and the press interview that he has offered to ‘The Island.’ He has currently admitted the violation.

For the opposition accusation that “Defence Secretary Rajapaksa was using Urban Development Authority (UDA) in President Rajapaksa’s campaign” and “operating digital screens in Colombo 24 hours a day to market President Rajapaksa,” he has admitted the use of the screens but has stated “those ads didn’t carry images of him or the President.”

The problem in Sri Lanka below the Executive Presidential Constitution is that not only the President is immune (with impunity) of any wrong performing, but his brothers also think and claim that they have immunity with impunity.

Barking Up The Jilmart Tree

By Ruvan Weerasinghe -

e6e58 sri lanka my photo 2012 150x150 Barking Up The Jilmart Tree

Dr. Ruvan Weerasinghe

So we come to however another time of electioneering where politicians run a circus to amuse the rest of us. And, to a huge extent we oblige, exchanging cartoons and videos through social media and even reading posters and cutouts smiling down on us from giant hoardings.

Nearly specifically 5 years ago, I had to lead a team from the University of Colombo College of Computing to help the Elections Commissioner in the final processing of results. As has been accomplished at all Presidential and Basic Elections considering that 1982, our group ensured that an error-free of charge processing was carried out in the course of that election as well. Nevertheless, most readers would bear in mind that specific election for the new term coined by an opposition politician, namely the pc jilmart, which was alleged to have taken spot to make the incumbent win. In hindsight, this was completely understandable owing to the heightened expectations of the opposition at the time. It was nevertheless distressing to our group, since it marked the very first occasion for aspersions getting cast not just on our competency (which of course is crucial to us), but more crucially also our independence. Although the independence of universities even given that then has eroded, the University of Colombo College of Computing has in all its dealings at least with the Elections been fiercely holding on to our reputation of neutrality. Those who are even indirectly involved in politicking are not welcome on the group assisting the Elections Commissioner.

How then can we clarify the ‘computer jilmart’ phenomenon, or the scenario that prompted it – an apparently inexplicable defeat of a well-known opposition candidate? Elsewhere I’ve written about the focus of the two campaigns – a single on these aspects considerably far more standard and reduce down on Maslow’s hierarchy of wants, and the other on problems considerably higher on that scale such as the freedom of speech, anti-corruption and the rule of law. Here I wish to focus on one thing significantly much more fundamental, and effortless to comprehend: the whole election method.

545bd sri lanka brg smarasinghe   mahinda rajapaksa colombotelegraph Barking Up The Jilmart TreeIt is our extremely own honorary citizen Sir Arthur C. Clarke who famously stated that any sufficiently advanced technologies is indistinguishable from magic. It is also in the human psyche to attribute things that are inexplicable to a pretty surface level logic, to that identical ‘magic’. Offered these two, it is not rocket science that enabled the esteemed opposition politician to conclude that the election loss, which so defied the logic of what occurred on election day (fairly peaceful if my memory serves me), was due to the magic of technologies.

5 years on, most severe observers are clear that the election of 2010 was not won or lost on Election Day – just as this one particular wouldn’t be. Rather, it is to do with a program that is doomed to have a common outcome that hugely favours any incumbent. Even though at the outset, incumbents (initially Prime Ministers sans the executive powers of the President of the 1978 Constitution) have been not prone to blatant exploitation of a constitution that didn’t call for them to step down prior to elections, the powers of the executive presidential system tends to make the population have to depend solely on the magnanimity of an incumbent in order to enable the utopic cost-free and fair election to be held. This is hardly a hope that a hapless voter can hold on to specially at a Presidential Election. Its effects even so will also frequently spill over to Parliamentary Elections as we have witnessed in the past. What is even a lot more depressing nevertheless, is that nowadays, they even reach down to Provincial and Local Government levels.

The Treasury is reported to have already released a preliminary estimate that the coming Presidential Elections will cost the government some Rs ten.five billion – of which just Rs two.five billion is for the Elections Commission. This is with out taking into account the huge magnitude of the private funds that the country will commit on this election, in a context exactly where the ordinary voter is challenging pressed to eek out an existence amidst an escalating cost of living.

Far as well few efforts have gone into enumerating the several and often ingenious techniques in which a common incumbent utilizes their position of energy during election time to use the state machinery for unfair advantage. This is celebration owing the difficulty in acquiring correct details and partly owing to fear of over stepping the mark assigned to the media. Considerably of it is also in English rather than Sinhala or Tamil, which an incumbent can tolerate, with the sole exception of social media channels. The unfortunate reality is that social media information is often construed to only be partially true and far more typically exaggeration and not really precise.

Far more lately however, some of these hidden modes of operation have begun to be seen by the public, typically owing to over-enthusiastic politicians wanting to hit the radar of the incumbent himself. Although expenses of a helicopter ride for political motives can not be readily identified by the public, a rally of heavy-duty SUVs or higher-powered motorbikes is a much far more identifiable misuse of public property for political gain. People are also becoming far more conscious of the expenses of huge posters and cutouts than ahead of, because these have turn into commonplace now.

Nevertheless, behind these sorts goofs that some crass supporters make, come ever a lot more sophisticated and subtle methods of abuse that is below the public radar. Even right now, the news and data channels most widely accessible to the majority constitute of these nearly solely under an incumbent administration. Whether Tv, Radio or Newspaper, these project nearly solely a single view, with even the mildly critical views getting zero airtime/space. Even the most obvious of ‘gimmicks’ such as short-term price reductions certainly are profitable in communicating subliminal messages to an economically challenged populace. The shameless purchase of opposition MPs and coercion of own MPs with threats of disclosure are each largely beneath the table dealings that an incumbent is properly placed to exploit. ‘Progress review’ of ministries with the incumbent are yet another subtle subversion of the program, often exercised utilizing the reputable powers of Secretaries of Ministries. These are even better guised, since they are named by these CEOs of the respective Ministries, who have the energy to take action against those who do not comply. Owing to the level of executive powers vested in any incumbent, and their rising tendency to use all at their disposal, the bureaucracy is typically compelled to comply or jeopardize their careers. We require to salute the extremely couple of independent folks who created that ultimate sacrifice of relinquishing their public office or becoming demoted or transferred on account of valiantly attempting to remain neutral. Some of them, such as CJ43 are respected and could even be reinstated some day, although other individuals in much reduce positions, such as Government Servants or Police Officers, will never ever be really identified or recognized.

So, what hope is there for a non-incumbent to win an election? Really small, in the new dynamics of absolute energy and sophisticated concealment. If an opponent can only match an incumbent in terms of issues facing the country, he is almost doomed to drop – he has to far surpass the incumbent in order to come anywhere near his 50% objective. Almost any campaign that is fought fairly on troubles, is bound to be won by the incumbent owing to the motives above, as well as to the basic fear of the unknown of the masses. Enfranchised Sri Lankan society initially had pretty quick memories and kept electing alternate parties to energy till 1977. Since then even so, the pattern has changed drastically. It is not to do with longer memories that we have been abruptly bestowed with, but rather the physical exercise of the improved executive power by the incumbent, which renders it nearly self-destructive not to use such power during elections. If we place ourselves in the shoes of an incumbent, would we have what it takes to defy all our advisors and supporters and desist from using the powers that we legitimately enjoy under the constitution that we govern below? I like to recommend that the answer is yes, if we have a larger sense of accountability than the letter of the law. However, that kind of magnanimity would be rare not just in Sri Lanka, but also in much (if not all) of the building globe.

What does all this mean to us at this election? Please, please, don’t wait for the election day, and then get in touch with foul – spelt j-i-l-m-a-r-t in Sri Lanka now. The jilmart happens ahead of the election, as it has happened in increasingly far more sophisticated techniques ever because the executive presidency started in this country. It is embedded in the constitution, it powers the campaign of an incumbent, it is in the valiant and disproportionate efforts of opportunistic junior (and even much more disappointingly inept senior) politicians, it is in the thousands of squandered man-hours of disempowered public officials, it is surprisingly in the prospering organization neighborhood benefiting from direct and indirect cronyism (in the name of ‘stability’) and it is in the voices of the destitute who’s only hope is to hang on to meager handouts already received, in the hope for more in the future.

Does this imply that a alter of regime would solve this difficulty? Clearly not! Whilst successive Executive President’s have misused their powers to differing extents, it is clear that none have been in a position to be entirely magnanimous in desisting the use of their legally bestowed powers. This is why, the only way out of this cycle – or rather, this downward spiral, is to get rid of the inordinate powers vested in any future President. The present incumbent, far more than any other could have carried out it with the huge majority he had in Parliament. Most would argue that these powers had been required for wartime, even though some would dispute that too. Some would go onto argue that such powers are needed for fast financial improvement, even though most would dispute that. This argument nonetheless hinges on the emergence of a so-referred to as benevolent dictator which by now even the most optimistic Sri Lankan need to relegate to wishful pondering. There is almost certainly more sense in waiting for Godot. In such a context, it seems that there is no other choice in this post-war era in Sri Lanka, but to change the executive presidential method by whoever wins the election on January 8th.

No matter whether the incumbent wins, or the challenger is productive, we as citizens of this nation, need to have to make it clear in no uncertain terms that we have had sufficient of this method, and demand that our voices be brought to bear on any future Sri Lankan government. The vote on the eightth of January is not so considerably to do with which of the major contenders are more worthy of our allegiance, but rather whether Sri Lankan society has come of age, to send a clear signal to whoever who wins, that we do not trust any individual with the absolute energy that the presidential program endows them. It is in the end no matter whether voters can give a clear message to whoever becomes President that their vote is for ushering in a new type of democracy primarily based on the principles of meritocracy rather than of cronyism.

Ruvan Weerasinghe – Former Director, University of Colombo School of Computing.

&nbsp

ISIS – Islamic State In Sri Lanka

By Muhammed Fazl -

00e1b sri lanka Muhammed Fazl  150x150 ISIS – Islamic State In Sri Lanka

Muhammed Fazl

“Do not try to demolish a false set of beliefs except soon after developing a appropriate set of beliefs [in the populace] – Imam Hassan Al-Banna

Rapid to distance from, does the 4 letters ‘ISIS’ really spell danger for the Muslims or for them to be apologists and be all defensive just at the mere mention of it? Although I am yet to understand the now-fashionable practice of Muslims getting answerable to or compromising their faith and religious practices to suit misguided adherents of distinct faiths, instead of contributing towards an unjust society of immorality and lawlessness, I think it is time the followers of Islam stood their ground and for the rest of the globe to begin understanding that which was revealed over 14 centuries ago.

Unlike most philosophies and rituals-only beliefs in present times, Islam getting a full supply of guidance and teaching a comprehensive set of laws, small wonder that it has turn out to be the quickest increasing and the most well-known religion in the world. A single could mythicize the sheer quantity as a outcome of ‘conversion by the sword’, but would it be remotely feasible for a religion of peace to be spread by the sword?

History has taught us that non-Muslims living below Islamic rule have been constantly treated with respect. When Muslims ruled Spain for over 800 years, the non-Muslims living there flourished. When India was below Muslim rule for about a thousand years, had it been ruled by the sword, there wouldn’t be 85% non-Muslim population nowadays either. No Muslim army has ever invaded Indonesia (exactly where it now has the biggest Muslim population in the globe) or the Muslim majority Malaysia. Likewise, no Muslim army was ever sent to the East Coast of Africa either.

9a676 sri lanka Gnanasara BBS ISIS – Islamic State In Sri LankaIn reality, the religion of peace spread significantly faster for the duration of periods of peace than for the duration of times of wars.  An report which appeared in Reader’s Digest Yearbook of 1986 provides the statistics of the boost of the percentage of the significant religions which indicated the Muslim population escalating by 235% although Christianity improved by 47% throughout a ‘no Islamic conquest’ period between 1934 and 1984. Even although Islam continued to spread when Muslims have been not prevailing economically, socially or politically, it is an irrefutable reality that it was the force of truth, purpose and logic that was accountable for the rise as seen nowadays. Even though there is an indication of particular periods where Muslim rulers have been intolerant of other faiths and its adherents, it was indeed due to a deviation from Islamic principles rather than getting in conformity with the edicts of Holy Quran or the traditions of the Prophet of Islam.

Societal Collapse

Ranked 9th amongst the prime ten countries in the globe for the highest cases of rape, ranked 4th highest for circumstances of suicides, ranked as the 4th largest boozing nation in the globe and the intended casino paradise and that which comes along the side business of prostitution, would this be the trend in retailer for the future generation of this country?

Falsely portrayed as secular to the unsuspecting, successive governments have all played the Sinhala Buddhist card all along to stay in energy, often resulting in devastating consequences specifically for the minorities. Getting learned a tiny late to be secure than sorry, current communal/racist attacks seems to have taught minority communities not to be reliant on the Sinhalese dominated security forces for protection. Deep-rooted racist mentalities of the legislators in the parliament appears to be of no consolation either for the minorities, either due to absence of equal opportunities or due to failures on the component of the state to re-distribute wealth equally.

While the Mahanayakes of the 4 Chapters appears to be dozing off in their luxurious enclaves when the country situation is in tatters, the Catholic high priests seems to be excited only with the arrival of the Pope although paying scant regard to the ploy of President Rajapaksa (MR) who shortened the campaign period of the opposition parties and for employing the Pope’s pay a visit to as an excuse. The ‘pedophiles-shielding’ pseudo men of faith they are, they ought to have postponed the go to being aware of quite effectively the harm that could befall the country if MR is permitted yet another term.

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) or the Hindu clergy seems to be carrying out no favors to the nation either with their activities restricted to matters concerning only their community and or the Northern Peninsula. The opportunists they are, leadership of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC) and the ‘Muslim’ members of parliament representing the Rajapaksa government are performing no much better either and it seems they are interested only in private monetary gains and plump positions, hence playing in to the hands of MR by dividing the Muslim neighborhood and their voter base.

In a nation exactly where its own adherent spend lip service to its teachings or donate only loose alter to their places of worship for its upkeep, I question the wisdom behind governments providing a ‘foremost’ position to Buddhism. Not too long ago Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa claimed to have donated 30 million of public cash for producing cosmetic adjustments to a temple belonging to a politically allied monk. That is well and fine. But as a Muslim, my point of contention right here is, WHY Should Muslims contribute towards extravagant tamashas associated with a different religion? If sustaining areas of worship is the responsibility of the state, I think funds ought to be allocated proportionately taking in to account the population percentage of all communities. Believing tax collected by the state should be spent accordingly, would it also be wise to spend corporate and individual taxes understanding nicely that it would be utilized to fund a lavish life style of a corrupt couple of? In this situation and with prevalent marginalization of minorities, would the lower-end segment of the minority communities get their fair share of state advantages as nicely?

When politicians are getting traded often among political parties for selfish gains and or with minimum educational qualifications or integrity, would it also be sensible for the self-respecting type or the victimized to seek fairness or justice from the current system when one’s rights are infringed upon? Corrupt to the core, public money being swindled, the judiciary made insignificant and lawlessness reigning, does it not arise the require for the nation to adopt an option supply of governance?

Serendipity In Serendib

Stressing after once again my belief that Democracy in Sri Lanka has been a failure, and where popularity reigns more than competence and exactly where might is correct, it has turn out to be imperative for rules to be changed because ‘demography’ also appears to have changed. Getting been inspired by the wonderful thinker Seyyed Qutb who after mentioned “It is impossible for life to not have an effect on faith, or for faith to have a separate existence away from life”, I think all Muslims (Moor, Malays, Bohras, Memons) living in Sri Lanka should come below one particular Imam (Caliph to be precise) towards fulfilling their purpose of creation and for establishing social justice inside the community if not in the nation.

Likewise, I think the Buddhist, Hindu and the Christian communities too must come beneath one particular priest or leader, guiding their faithful and making a sense of unity at least inside their communities. Ought to there be a conflict among communities of diverse faiths, there need to be an atmosphere where respected and discovered leaders of respective communities coming with each other and resolving matters in a peaceful and an amicable manner. It is said that all religions teaches us very good items in life and the reality that there is constantly a resolution for every man-produced complication. So why not appoint 1 respected spiritual/religious leader to represent each religious neighborhood?

Representing the Islamic faith and neighborhood in Sri Lanka, I think Muslims ought to be taught, guided and ruled by (exactly where it is feasible) Islamic teachings and laws. Whilst there is no need to have for no alarm bells to ring in the minds of the non-Muslim population, the Islamic technique should be aggressively pursued as the ideal alternative in producing a society with excellent moral values, truthful organization practices and an impartial justice program among other folks. To set the ball rolling, I sincerely hope the following will get the attention of religious leaders in the Muslim community,

1. Family disputes, marital discord etc. to be taken to a local Muslim Qazi (judge) and for it to be resolved based on the teachings of Islam, either voluntarily or when reported by a 3rd party.

two. Vigilante squads to be set up to monitor clothing attire and crackdown on indecent and revealing clothes worn in public by Muslims.

3. If Halal certifications cannot be enforced publicly, all meals merchandise manufactures/importers should give assurances to a Muslim Halal regulatory physique (in private at least) of adhering to Halal requirements and give access to confirm the approach when necessary.

four. Irrespective of what college they attend, private or otherwise, Muslim, Buddhist or Christian, making positive that each and every Muslim girl who attains the age of puberty is permitted to put on clothing in conformance to the teachings of Islam.

5. Monetary disputes to be settled first in the presence of a Muslim Qazi, hence safeguarding the respect of all parties concerned. The present Roman Dutch law method usually takes years for any type of justice to be meted out and it will also be a burden if each and every dispute is to be addressed in the present day over-crowded courts of law.

6. Apart from the regular corporate/personal taxes paid to the government, all Zakath money (obligatory annual charity tax of two.five% of all earnings/assets) to be pooled in to 1 fund and distributed to a list of deserving poor recipients. Even though each and every donor can nominate names of recipients, the Zakath Committee need to have the final say in the redistribution of wealth.

7. Law enforcement units or civil defense forces within the community to be created in every single town in partnership with the state law-enforcement authorities. Even though this might minimize the burden on the country’s Police Department, in the event of clashes, the Muslim neighborhood will be in a much better position to keep peace and since they are typically the ‘lamb to the slaughter’.

8. To establish enforcement teams to assure that each youngster receives education up to a secondary level and that no kid from no neighborhood is employed in any sector if they are below the age of 16.

9. Religious education ought to be made compulsory for all Muslim children, be it at a secular college or afterwards in a seminary/mosque/institute.

10. Establish a monitoring committee to avert fanaticism or violent radicalism taking roots in the minds of the Muslim youths.

Even though the list is also long to be written here, it must be pointed out that terrorists and criminals are developed and by no means born. Although it is no secret that particular violent Sinhalese Buddhist movements like the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) have aligned themselves with the regime of President Rajapaksa and is fuelling an inevitable human disaster, as a counter measure, the rise of a violent Islamic movement and in the lines of the ISIS of Babylonia cannot be discounted in the occasion President Rajapaksa is allowed an additional term. On the other hand, the ‘unknown angels’ they are, Mr. Maithripala Sirisena and Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to have impeccable credentials and honesty in their respective political careers and I think minorities, specially the Muslims and Tamils should reject the ‘known devil (MR) for great.

January 08, 2015, just perhaps the day that determines the nation heralding a prosperous and a just society or the day the nation reverts to an anarchist and a lawless 1. Either case, the get in touch with for the establishment of  a borderless Islamic State for the Muslims seems to be louder than ever now, and believing it would be in the best interests of detractors, specially the pseudo ‘Muslim’ politicians to stay out of the way when establishing divine laws of God, the following verse just happened to cross my thoughts,

“Permission [to fight] has been given to those who are becoming fought, simply because they were wronged. And certainly, Allah is competent to give them victory” – 22:39 Al-Quran.

*The writer is an independent social/political activist and can be contacted on [email protected] and through FB (Fazl Muhammed Nizar) 

83bd8_a_ceasefire2002

Agreements that betrayed Sri Lanka : 2002 Ceasefire Agreement

47cf6 a ceasefire2002 Agreements that betrayed Sri Lanka : 2002 Ceasefire Agreement

- by Shenali D Waduge -

Winning hearts and minds of terrorists, mentality of surrender, advocating theory of &#8220unwinnable war&#8221 and policy of appeasing, decreasing the nation to a pariah state, knowingly giving a terrorist organization status on par with a sovereign state and a democratic government had been the traits of those led by Ranil Wickremasinghe that went on to sign the 2002 infamous ceasefire agreement right now described as one of the greatest betrayals of the nation. Ranil Wickremasinghe was the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka who entered into the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement that signed sovereign territory to a terrorist organization so that he could keep in energy.&nbspThe chance provided to Ranil Wickremasinghe to lead Sri Lanka was destroyed by his own folly the nation can not and need to not trust him once again. These that boast of Ranil Wickremasinghe’s vision should take note that this single agreement was detrimental to the country, the folks and the forces and this remains an unpardonable crime never ever to be forgotten.
The supporters of the ceasefire have been those that equated the removal of checkpoints providing them freedom of movement as a victory for freedom and peace to the entire nation. Little did these men and women consider what these &#8220removals&#8221 and carte blanches would ultimately imply to the entire nation.
Lust for power is what we have observed in the manner cross overs are taking place. Men and women have waited for elections to be announced and deals to be struck to cry foul about corruption. Those that hunger for personal glory and international acceptance seldom view what is great for the nation above their private gains. These weaknesses as one ought to view them led to&nbspblindness to the reality of what the 2002 ceasefire agreement actually entailed. The lack of consultation and the total disregard&nbspfor the views of the People of Sri Lanka depicted arrogance of these that hungered for individual glory. The&nbsplessons are that these really protagonists signatory to the agreement and those that praised it and spoke in favor of it are not suited to be entrusted with handling any matters related to Sri Lanka&#8217s sovereignty and territorial integrity &#8211 ever.Regrettably, some of these players continue to hold essential portfolios and continue to sustain the very same mentality and queries these that watch these officials when once more try to dig Sri Lanka&#8217s grave.
It was Kathy Stone writing to the Weekend Liberal in 2002 that exposed how LTTE would have utilised Charles Gnanakone to strike a deal with the UNF Government that led to the 2002 CFA. Incidentally, it was Gnanakone&#8217s brother who smuggled shipments of weapons to the LTTE through our own customs.
It was Ranil&#8217s Chief Negotiator and our present Foreign Minister who went to the extent of requesting the lifting of the ban on the LTTE that his predecessor Mr. Lakshman Kadiragamar worked difficult to achieve. Did we also forget to say that this very same Chief Negotiator and present Foreign Minister known as Anton Balasingham as &#8220Your Excellency&#8221!
It was Subramaniam Swamy who declared that the UNF Government of Ranil Wickremasinghe functioned according to a &#8220Surrender Mentality&#8221 and when the entire show was being led by a Chief Negotiator and present FM we comprehend that very same mentality prevails. The query is did the present Government win a war to succumb to surrender? The bargaining was what was missing on the side of SL at all times throughout the peace talks.&nbspWhy are the Sri Lankan leaders not reading among the lines of the dangers probably to result. GLP referred to as his victory of negotiating the CFA deal with the LTTE a &#8220road map for peace&#8221 &#8211 and yes, he remains our FM, did he meant it or was he told to say so. In our eyes, any person honourable would depart like Mr. Gamini Jayasuriya when he disagreed with the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord. We have no regard for men and women who cross more than during elections and contact leaders worse than Prabakaran just to please a gallery.
It was Madam Maria Carrilho, Member of the EU Parliament and Head of Parliament Delegation for Relations with South Asia who went on to say that a new autonomous State will emerge as a result of the CFA and a flag and new anthem ought to also be offered and the then PM&#8217s secretary appears not to have even protested against it.
Let us first appear at some essential information:
Date Signed :&nbspCFA MOU signed on 22 February 2002
Signatories :&nbspGOSL and LTTE (Ranil Wickremasinghe and Prabakaran) Ranil signed agreement and handed it to Norways Ambassador John Westburg in Vavuniya, although Prabakaran signed in Kilinochchi.

Mediator :&nbspNorwegian Government

Crucial:
  • Ranil Wickremasinghe (then Prime Minister of UNF Government) did not inform his personal cabinet nor the President of Sri Lanka (Chandrika Bandaranaike) of the agreement getting signed.
  • The nationalists viewed the signing as one particular of the greatest betrayals of the nation no different to the signing of the Kotte Kingdom to the Portuguese&nbsp by Don Juan Dharmapala and the signing of the Kandyan Convention on 2 March 1815 to the British. In truth many a time, Ranil Wickremasinghe has been likened to Don Juan Dharmapala!
  • six rounds of talks abroad had been subsequently held among GOSL and LTTE &#8211 all failed.
  • Important was the Karuna-split from LTTE in March 2004
  • Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission were empowered to only tabulate the violations and NOT to stop or punish
Crucial personnel involved in 2002 ceasefire
  • Government Chief Negotiator&nbsp&#8211 GL Peiris
  • Defence Minister&nbsp&#8211 Tilak Marapana&nbsp&#8220I have no intention at all in waging war with the LTTE at the moment. We have embarked on a peace mission and our target today, and my function as Defence Minister, is not to strategy technique to attack but merely to ready ourselves to defend&#8221
  • Secretary Defense&nbsp(Dec 2001) &#8211 Austin Fernando &nbsphttp://groundviews.org/2008/ 11/02/interview-with-austin- fernando-a-peacetime- secretary-of-defence-in-sri- lanka/
  • Chief Spokesman/Secretary for the UNF&nbsp&#8211 Bradmon Weerakoon later to be the Secretary to the PM and thereon to ICES NGO
  • Head of S L Peace Secretariat&nbsp&#8211 Bernard Goonetilake and Jayantha Dhanapala
  • Deputy Director Common, Peace Secretariat&nbspin Colombo, Dr. John Gunaratne
  • Head, LTTE Peace Secretariat, S. Puleedevan
  • Head, SLMM, Tryggve Tellefssen
  • Army Commander&nbsp&#8211 Gen. Balagalle (25 Aug 2000 &#8211 30 Jun 2004)
  • SL Legal&nbsp&#8211 Lakshman Marasinghe
What the LTTE gained from the CFA Sri Lanka&#8217s sovereignty betrayed
&#183 LTTE violated the CFA on more than ten,000 occasions&nbsp&#183&nbspImpunity for Crimes &#8211 From 22 February 2002 to four February 2006 &#8211 LTTE ceasefire violations quantity 5464.&nbspLTTE killed 174 safety forces personnel and 388 civilians whilst 117 had been attempted murders, 620 abductions, 46 attempted abductions, 106 cases of extortion, 2199 conscriptions, 875 injury to persons, 22 instances of torture, 128 situations of intimidation (GOSL)&#183 February 2002 to April 2005 LTTE had recruited 1200 youngsters to turn into killers
&#183 LTTE granted an official recognition by means of CFA (as very first clause mentions SL State and LTTE as equal stakeholders
&#183 CFA helped legitimize LTTE&#8217s defacto state.
&#183 LTTE cadres had been permitted to freely move throughout Sri Lanka
&#183 LTTE got Ranil to dismantle the Army&#8217s Long Variety Reconnaissance Unit (Athurugiriya Secure Residence) LTTE&#8217s suicide cadres and pistol gangs ended up killing practically all of Sri Lanka&#8217s intelligence units whose names were divulged by the UNF Govt
&#183 LTTE smuggled shipments of arms, sophisticated communication gear through SL&#8217s own customs and there are officials and advisors even with the present Govt who had been accountable for those approvals.
&#183 These smuggled equipment helped LTTE develop an air strip with the asphalt meant for the A9 Highway, assemble small planes
&#183 LTTE even built illegal bunkers in Govt controlled areas
&#183&nbspRanil&#8217s Govt gave LTTE 95% of their Eelaam and the rest the LTTE planned to safe through the ISGA/PTOMS with the former President playing Santa with Sri Lanka.

&#183 Constitutional violation &#8211 for Ranil Wickremasinge to sign an agreement with a proscribed terrorist&#183 The MOU was signed without having the consent of the Individuals of Sri Lanka (much like how the same UNP Govt signed the Indo-Lanka Agreement once again with no the consent of the Individuals)&#183 2002 CFA was truly an unauthorized secret MOU which Ranil Wickremasinghe did not share with his personal cabinet or the President of Sri Lanka
&#183 Equating a terrorist organization with a legally established armed forces of a nation
&#183 Forcing the armed forces to shake hands with terrorists who were killers
&#183 Armed forces were continuously humiliated by LTTE
&#183 Safety Forces restricted to barracks
&#183&nbspThe free of charge access given to LTTE resulted in LTTE assassinating Sri Lanka&#8217s intelligence unit members(violating Post 1 of CFA)
&#183 Maj. Muthalif &#8211 Army intelligence May possibly 31, 2005
&#183 Lt. Col. T. Rizvi Meedin &#8211 Senior Military intelligence
&#183 UNF Government disclosing Sri Lanka&#8217s lengthy range deployment members causing their deaths by LTTE who hunted them down 1 soon after the other&nbsp(Millenium City Athurugiriya)
&#183 Lakshman Kadiragamar &#8211 SL Foreign Minister assassinated
&#183 Lt. Gen. Parami Kulatunga &#8211 Deputy Chief of Employees of Army killed
&#183 Journalist Sivaram (Taraki) in Colombo on April 28, 2005 killed
Write-up 1: The Modalities of the Ceasefire Agreement
&#183 Neither celebration to engage in any offensive military operation (total cessation of all military action &#8211 inclusive of ambushes, assassinations, abductions, destruction of civilian or military property, suicide missions, activities by deep penetration units, aerial bombardments, offensive naval operations,
&#183 SL army can continue to perform genuine job of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka with no engaging in offensive operations against the LTTE
&#183&nbspSeparation of Forces:
o&nbsp&nbsp Forward defense locations &#8211 GOSL and LTTE can hold their ground positions sustaining separation of 600metres, movement attainable but an absolute minimum distance of 400metres to be kept among them.
&#183 GOSL and LTTE to provide details to the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) concerning defense localities in all regions and SLMM will draw up demarcation lines.
&#183 GOSL and LTTE cannot move munitions, explosives or military gear into area controlled by the other Celebration.
&#183 Tamil paramilitary groups to be disarmed by GOSL.
&#183&nbspFreedom of movement:
  • GOSL and LTTE shall remain in regions under their respective handle
  • Unarmed GOSL troops shall be permitted limitless passage in between Jaffna and Vavuniya using Jaffna-Kandy road (A9)
  • &#8220individual combatants&#8221 unarmed and in plain garments can pay a visit to households and pals below control of GOSL and visits to be limited to 6 days each and every second month.
  • GOSL and LTTE reserve appropriate to deny entry to specified military areas.
  • 50 unarmed LTTE members shall for political work be permitted freedom of movement in areas of North and East dominated by GOSL.
  • one hundred unarmed LTTE members shall be permitted freedom of movement as of D-day +60, and all unarmed LTTE members shall be permitted freedom of movement as of D-day+90.
  • LTTE members to carry ID papers.
  • GOSL has right to deny entry to specified military places
Article 2 : Measures to restore normalcy
  • GOSL and LTTE to undertake self-assurance-constructing measures to restore normalcy.
  • GOSL and LTTE shall abstain from hostile acts against civilian population like acts as torture, intimidation, abduction, extortion and harassment.
  • GOSL and LTTE shall refrain from engaging in activities or propagating concepts that could offend cultural or religious sensitivities. SL Army to vacate all areas of worship that it is occupying.
  • GOSL and LTTE to vacate college buildings
  • A schedule to indicate return of all other public buildings
  • GOSL and LTTE to review safety measures and checkpoints especially in densely populated cities and towns to stop harassment of civilian population (indirectly aiming at reducing Colombo&#8217s high safety checkpoints)
  • GOSL and LTTE to guarantee unimpeded flow of non-military goods to and from the LTTE-dominated areas with exception of particular items.
  • GOSL and LTTE to establish checkpoints at areas on their line of handle to facilitate flow of goods and movement of civilians.
  • GOSL and LTTE to make certain Trincomalee-Habarana road remains open 24&#2157 for passenger site visitors
  • GOSL and LTTE to facilitate extension of rail service on Batticoloa-line to Welikanda &#8211 repairs to be carried out by GOSL.
  • GOSL and LTTE to open Kandy-Jaffna road (A9) to non-military traffic of goods and passengers modalities to be worked out with Norway
  • Easing of fishing restrictions &#8211 but fishing will not be permitted in harbours or approaches to harbours, bays and estuaries along the coast.
  • Norway to appoint Head of Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (HoM) who will be final authority regarding interpretation of CFA.
  • SLMM to liaise with GOSL and LTTE and report to Norway
  • Head of SLMM to decide date of SLMM&#8217s operations.
  • SLMM will have offices in Colombo, Jaffna, Mannar, Vavuniya, Trincomalee, Batticoloa, Amparai
  • GOSL and LTTE agree that search operations and arrests below Prevention of Terrorism Act shall not take place. Arrests will be beneath Criminal Process Code.
Article three: The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission
  • To inquire into instances of violation of the Agreement
  • Neighborhood monitoring committee in every of the 6 offices set up shall have 5 members (two appointed by GOSL, two by LTTE and 1 appointed by HoM) the international monitor shall chair committee.
  • The nearby committee shall advise SLMM
  • GOSL and LTTE accountable for protection and security arrangements of all SLMM members.
  • SLMM shall have access to locations exactly where violations take spot
  • SLMM to take instant action on complaints produced by GOSL or LTTE
Article four : Entry into force, amendments and termination of the Agreement
  • GOSL and LTTE to notify consent to be bound by the Agreement by means of letter to the Norwegian Foreign Affairs Ministry.
  • Agreement could be amended and modified by mutual agreement
  • Termination of agreement can be offered by either Party to Norway inside 14 days of advance notice.
The quantity of violations committed by the LTTE was well more than 10,000 as a lot of of these have been not even tabulated. The LTTE violations integrated constructing new positions, firing weapons, moving military equipment, deploying weapons, carrying out offensive naval operations, illegally transporting arms and committing hostile acts against civilians which integrated intimidation and abductions of adults and children &#8211 &nbspevery clause of the agreement violated by the LTTE and not a hum from even Norway or SL Government that signed the agreement.
The quite reality that these signatory agreed to place LTTE a terrorist organization in par with a democratic government itself is shameful and allowing LTTE totally free movement and the capacity to practically redraw their boundaries only sums the fact that there is no better word to describe these protagonists of the ceasefire than &#8220traitors&#8221.

These are factors not to trust Ranil Wickremasinghe. His vision, his competencies and skills&nbspaside the 2002 agreement was signed with LTTE in secret and his personal Ministers were clueless and that does not give the folks any self-assurance as a result of his conduct even so likable a particular person he is. The country and the individuals can not be entrusted to him&nbspespecially in the manner he has put Maithripala to contest on his behalf till he takes over after 100 days. It is these variables that are becoming viewed by the majority of the folks.