Finance Minister Ravi’s Retired Police Sergeant BIL Tends to make Insurance Corporation Profitable In 4 Months!

Speaking on the efficiency of the Maithripala-Ranil led government, Minister of Finance Ravi Karunanayake was quoted to have said that the Sri Lanka Insurance coverage Corporation run by his lately appointed retired police sergeant brother in law T.M.R. Bangsa Jayah, has shown a important development of revenue as higher as 35 % given that January this year.

Ravi Karunanayaka's BILSri Lanka Insurance coverage Corporation’s (SLIC) Managing Director Bangsa Jayah the former police sergeant and brother in law of the Finance Minister Karunanayake, was appointed to his post soon after the new government assumed energy. &#8220I have practically nothing to do with it&#8221 the minister was quoted.

The SLIC comes directly beneath the purview of the Ministry of Finance.

In a miraculous turn of events at SLIC, the Finance Minister was quoted to have told Lanka Organization On the web “it’s better to appoint a go getter rather than an inefficient expert. In insurance you have to appoint go getters rather than inefficient people and the revenues have increased 35 percent for the past four months.What far more do you want? You must see how effectively the Insurance Corporation runs now” the Finance Minister was quoted to have said.

Sri Lanka Insurance web site says


Mr. T.M.R.Bangsa Jayah is a retired commissioned Police Officer, who has experience in the Police service for 29 years. For the duration of his profession with the Police Department he worked as the Chief Security Officer for the Deputy Speaker and North- East Governor.

He is a item of St.Anne’s College, Kurunegala and has studied additional in Aquinas College, Colombo. In the course of his school period he has excelled in sports like Cricket and Soccer. He is a member of College Cadetting Group and has held rank of Organization Sergeant Main. After his schooling he has completed his Very first In Laws at the Law Faculty, Colombo.

Mr.Bangsa Jayah has knowledge in construction business for much more than 15 years and he has been a principal partner in a nicely recognized piling business.

Maithripala, Ranil & The Democratic Aspirations Of The People

By Sumanasiri Liyanage &#8211

Sumanasiri Liyanage

Sumanasiri Liyanage

One particular of the main reasons why the folks in Sri Lanka decided to topple Mahinda Rajapaksa regime on January eight was its excessively authoritarian character in governance. Hence, individuals expected far more democratic governance from the new regime. What we realize by ‘democratic change’ may possibly be problematic as democracy is, as Wendy Brown says, “among the most contested and promiscuous term in our contemporary political vocabulary” (Undoing the Demos). She further writes: “In the political imaginary, ‘democracy’ stands for every thing from free of charge elections to cost-free markets, from protests against dictators to law and order, from the centrality of rights to the stability of states, from the voice of the assembled multitude to the protection of individuality and the wrong of dicta imposed by crowds.”

It is correct that at macro level the new regime was capable to implement lengthy overdue constitutional reforms minimizing the power of the executive presidency (19th Amendment) and altering the electoral method (proposed 20th Amendment). These two amendments, albeit half-baked in nature, could have good implications in macro-democratic atmosphere in the nation that was paralyzed by the enactment of the second republic constitution of 1978. Nonetheless, the query remains as to what extent these macro-democratic reforms would modify the basic atmosphere of governance. Has the way in which politicians, judiciary, police and the bureaucracy operate in actual practice changed as a result of these reforms? If I place it yet another words: Can we see a starting of a procedure of inversing the ‘real’ globe practice of almost 4 decades? Of course, it is as well early to forecast what would really take place in the future. But my submission in this report is that the present trends signify not a reversal of the method but a continuation of the past process.

Ranil MaithriProf Carlo Fonseka, in a recent article in The Island, has shown that the way in which President acted in the appointment of the Prime Minister and the removal of Chief Justice was undemocratic and contrary to the current rules and procedures. A single might argue that the appointment of the Prime Minister is constitutional as the constitution does not explicitly say that a individual who has the majority in the Parliament be appointed as the Prime Minister. Though the 19th Amendment was enacted by the Parliament, it seems that the way in which the President operates right now is not qualitatively various from the way in which the previous presidents had operated. The executive presidential program, despite the fact that offers huge and unchecked power to the elected President, she or he is bound to get the support of the Parliament as it has the power to pass monetary bills. Only brief-term confrontations can take place, either the President wins or the Parliament wins. What we have seen in the recent previous, especially under President Mahinda Rajapaksha, is that the President used both and carrot and stick in taming the energy of the Parliament for which the celebration mechanism was not sufficient. Party mechanism of the two principal parties had been developed following the executive presidential program. So President and the president/leader of the celebration to which s/he belongs have grow to be the same individual. Like Mahinda Rajapaksa, the current President, Maithreepala Sirisena is trying to sustain his hold on energy by throwing many types of bread crumbs to either silence the opposition or to win their support. The current appointments of minister from the SLFP and the appointment of SLFP stalwarts, Rathnasiri Wickramanayaka and DM Jayaratne as Senior Presidential advisors also demonstrates anti-democratic continuation of presidential system that legalize the method of bribes. Similarly, like Mahinda Rajapaksa, he has been trying to crush pro- MR components within the SLFP by employing his celebration presidency.

1 may possibly argue that although the actions taken by Maithripala Sirisena seems non-democratic by themselves, in the context of prior powerful authoritarian rule its reversal could not be feasible with making use of the identical high-hand tactics. So the usual logic ‘end justifies mean’ can be deployed to legitimize the non-democratic actions painting them as conjunctural. Though it entails some amount of truth, it is feasible for it to be a hazardous proposition. Does the President stand for democracy? Two statements ha has not too long ago produced put a robust query mark on his understanding of democracy. The 1st statement was produced at the ceremony that announced the selection of producing all the private belonging to civil armed force permanent. At this meeting, he proposed that all young individuals should be offered a compulsory military instruction in order create a disciplined society. Following president JR Jayewardene, he praised Lee Kwan Yu of Singapore not due to the fact his achievement in the economic front (as JRJ did), but because of his action to disciplined the nation. This is significantly more that the methods taken by the previous government to give military education to school principals and induction to university students by military persons. The second was his proposal to extend capital punishment to more offenses.

It is important to note that it was not only the actions of President that show the continuation of non-democratic tendencies. The prime Minister and some cabinet ministers have been engaging in old undemocratic practices. The greatest example of the way in which the government encountered student protests and other peoples’ protests. Two student leaders were white vanned some were arrested students protests have been faced by the so-named minimum force. We have witnessed the same in Wellampitiya, Jaffna and a lot of other areas. Some folks could argue that these protests have been to provoke the government so that it is forced to take repressive measures. This is an absurd argument. Democracy is tested when men and women are offered the appropriate to protest. If all are hunky dory, protests are not required, and even a few ‘provokers’ contact for a protest, other will neglect the get in touch with. The Open University has enhanced its fees by 120% last year. The continuous student protests had been ignored. The distinct region must have method to manage its waste not to make it a problem of other individuals. When compared with the prior government, the present government is not improvement. It seems that the police and judiciary as soon as again is applying the same function procedure following the government’s line as it did beneath preceding regime.

The exact same trend can be seen in judicial action. Arrests and keeping them in custody are a serious affair. The power to arrest is a key supply of corruption and taking revenge. Several arrest in the current past provides the impression that these decisions had been not taken only on legal grounds. Right here the warning offered by Indian Supreme Courts appears to far more proper.

In the Joginder Kumar v/s State of Uttar Pradesh case (air 1994, SC 1349), the Supreme Court observed: “No arrest can be produced because it is lawful for the police officer to do so. The existence of the power to arrest is a single thing. The justification for the workout of it is quite one more. The police officer have to be in a position to justify the arrest apart from his energy to do so. Arrest and detention in police lock-up of a person can result in incalculable harm to the reputation and self-esteem of a individual. No arrest can be made in a routine manner on a mere allegation of commission of an offence produced against a particular person. It would be prudent for a police officer in the interest of protection of the constitutional rights of a citizen, and maybe in his personal interest, that no arrest should be produced with out reasonable satisfaction via some investigation as to the genuineness and bona fides of a complaint and a affordable belief, each as to the person’s complicity, and as to the want to effect arrest.

“Denying a individual his liberty is a serious matter. The recommendations of the National Police Commission (NPC) merely reflect the constitutional concomitants of the basic right to private liberty and freedom. A person is not liable to arrest merely on the suspicion of complicity in an offence. There must be some affordable justification in the opinion of the officer effecting the arrest that such arrest is necessary and justified. Except in heinous offences, an arrest must be avoided if a police officer issuing notice to particular person to attend the Station Home and not to leave the Station with out permission would do.”

“If, from info received or otherwise, an officer in charge of a police station has cause to suspect the commission of an offence which he is empowered under section 156 to investigate, he shall forthwith&#8230proceed in person, or shall depute 1 of his subordinate officers not getting beneath such rank as the state government could, by common or unique order, prescribe in this behalf, to proceed, to the spot, to investigate the details and situations of the case, and, if essential, to take measures for the discovery and arrest of the offender.” Note that the words “and, if necessary” have been deliberately utilized, indicating that the law does not authorize the police to arrest in every criminal case. But the reality is that the moment an FIR for a cognizable offence is lodged, policemen rush to arrest and frequently demand funds for not doing so.

How do we explain the continuation of non-democratic practice although men and women count on a “change” on January eight, 2015? Of course this phenomenon may not be attributed to a single course. In fact, the nation was not offered on January eight a new set of political leaders it was the very same group with the exact same ‘habitus’ are controlling the government and the state. Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe defended the technique as it existed prior to January 8. The track records of the new ministers have been not greater compared with the ministers of the prior government. The second cause is completely “uncritical nature” of the civil society. Even some has attempted to portray student protests and Inter University Student federation as “provokers”. This is tantamount to legitimization of repressive action by the government.

This brings us to an situation of basic nature. Is there a simple contradiction amongst political conjunctures and democratic procedure? In some context, political conjunctures might justify imposing limits to democratic method if the unabated democracy itself becomes hindrance to expected and accepted goals. Nonetheless, any justification on this ground need to raise the problem what defines the political conjuncture. Some civil society individuals could argue that the political conjuncture is defined these days by growing Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Even so, this argument does not hold water stronger version of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism can be observed within the government. My reading of the scenario have made me feel that the democratic alter is being blocked by the political conjuncture of neo-liberalism that this government intends to stick to much more vigorously.

We Can’t Clap Our Way To The Finish Line

By Sarath De Alwis &#8211

Sarath De Alwis

Sarath De Alwis

An exuberant media, print and electronic, has acclaimed a fleeting and fragile observation by Master Card , that Colombo is the fastest growing tourist city in the globe as a monumental achievement.

One particular isolated line in a 46 web page document- Tracking International Growth: 2009 -2015 became a retrospective endorsement of Gota’s second war on the urban poor of Colombo.

It is a clear reminder that the media in this nation in spite of their avowed assertion of independence was an acquiescent partner of the Rajapaksa siblings in manufacturing well-known consent of post war triumphalism, the myth of the Asian miracle and the Indian Ocean hub of 21st Century worldwide commerce.

The once powerful and now plaintive and powerless Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa wasted no time in appropriating the credit for this imaginary accomplishment.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa FacebookIn his face book web page, the former defence secretary and the czar of the UDA trumpeted that he was ‘truly delighted’ to see Colombo getting recognized as the fastest expanding city for tourism in the Global Index of Mater Card whose vision statement is ‘A planet beyond Money ‘.

The former strongman has promised to share his thoughts on Urban Development undertaken by the prior government. In a Television interview, he warned the new government not to squander the developmental success in Colombo by neglecting to preserve the parks, jogging tracks and shopping arcades. The purpose of this report is to dissuade not only the former defense secretary, but also the present heads of Sri Lanka tourism and Sri Lankan airlines from misreading the conclusions and misconstruing the reasoning of the report.

The full report “ Master Card 2015 International Location Cities Index” can be accessed here.

Does the survey pronounce Colombo as an exceptionally desirable location? It does not.

What it. in fact observes, is analytically correct and revealingly bland. It qualifies its assertion that Colombo is the quickest expanding with a CAGR 0f 20.1 percent with the following clarification.

“Colombo in Sri Lanka is the quickest increasing with a CAGR of 21.1 percent, albeit coming off a extremely low base, with just more than a single million guests in 2005. Chengdu in the Sichuan Province of China is the second fastest growing, with a CAGR of 20.7 percent. It is also expanding from a low base, with about 1.five million visitors in 2015. [Emphasis mine]

Thus what tends to make Colombo exceptional is the base year 2009 – the year when the Lions beat the Tigers. The compound annual development rate is calculated from 2009.

The goal of the Global City index is not to deliver worth judgments on city administration. The report as explained in its introduction charts how 132 of the most crucial cities in the globe are connected via air travel – how a lot of international visitors arrive at each of these cities from other cities and how considerably these visitors commit for the duration of their pay a visit to?

The report does not evaluate the length of the jogging tracks or the square footage of shopping space that Colombo has added considering that 2009. The report is unequivocal in its prognosis of Colombo. “Colombo in Sri Lanka is the fastest expanding destination city amongst the 132 cities covered by the index at 21.1 % CAGR among 2009 and 2015. Tourism there is clearly recovering strongly after the ending of the civil war.”

In an report captioned 21st Century Silk Route in Skies: No stop in Serendib, published in the Everyday FT of 2nd February 2015, this writer urged the new interim government to seriously take into account closing its loss generating routes to Europe or even contemplate shutting down the airline completely. It also stated that the government has no enterprise to be in the Airline enterprise.

Sri Lankan Airlines is not a going concern. Its losses on the far eastern sectors are marginally less than its losses on the European routes. Its losses on its Middle Eastern routes are slightly higher than its losses on its operations to the Indian subcontinent. If indeed Colombo has recorded a 21.1 percent improve in guests, how did they arrive in Colombo? Has Sri Lankan airlines registered a corresponding increase in its cabin factor on any of its routes to tourist producing points?

Quickest Expanding Destinations


The Master Card report carries the chart of the quickest increasing Destination Cities by International Overnight Visitor [2009- 2015CAGR]. Colombo heads the list and its lead over Osaka and Tokyo explains the distinction Colombo is entitled to and the distinction it ought to not overlook.


It then provides a additional clarification in the subsequent chart.- The quickest Developing Location Cities inside the prime 20. The report notes that ‘A really diverse picture emerges in this comparison. Four out of five in this chart are from Asia although Istanbul is from central Europe.

These according to the report are the destination cities that have large enough numbers of international visitors to put them in the top 20 of the globe. Then comes the coup de grâce: As for the Asian cities, their strong growth in visitors has come from the huge outbound travel from China.

This report is crucial reading for those entrusted with the operating of the national carrier and the Tourism improvement authority by a hands on Prime Minister who does not hesitate to locate the proper person for the job even if it indicates importing the requisite talent.

In the earlier report published on 2nd February in the Every day Ft this writer said “Airlines right now are a global company exactly where connectivity is pivotal to their achievement. The sorry truth is that Sri Lanka in the 21st century cannot stay on the aviation silk route if it persists with its obsession of a national airline engaged in international air transport.”
It is now getting whispered that the octogenarian repository of financial wisdom in the policy preparing establishment has suggested that the flag carrier withdraws from Europe but retain the same frequencies to the mother nation whose Westminster democracy we want to restore in location of the Gaulist program. Be that as it could, the Master Card report reiterates the conventional wisdom in aviation economics.

“A prerequisite of any location city that aspires to attract much more international guests is to increase the capacity of airports and frequency of flight connections among the airport and the rest of the globe.

Sri Lankan airlines connects to four of them save Istanbul. Can our national carrier , Sri Lankan Airlines agree with the Master card report and claim a discernible improvement of its uplift from these leading hubs?

1 noteworthy feature is that Dubai has outpaced Singapore as a worldwide hub.

The report explains “London led the planet in 2009, and by 2015 its connectivity score increased by 4.2 points. Paris is second, but its connectivity score has dropped by 1.3 points considering that 2009. Subsequent is Dubai, escalating its score by an impressive 20.four points, and surpassing Frankfurt amongst 2009 and 2015. Frankfurt slipped to fourth, with its score generally unchanged. Rounding out the best five, Istanbul increased its score by 26. points, exceeding the growth rate of Dubai. Not surprisingly, Dubai and Istanbul are dynamic destination cities moving swiftly up the ranks.

In February this writer mentioned in the columns of the Day-to-day FT

“Today, Europe regards the Persian Gulf the most easterly hub. For Asia the Gulf is the most westerly hub. In this contemporary cartography of the 21st Century, Sri Lanka is not in the silk route in the skies. No one has noticed how far old Serendib has drifted away from the silk route that linked Europe with Cathay by way of the straits of Hormuz and the straits of Malacca.
 Neither the Department of Civil Aviation nor the National Carrier have recognised the ‘complex and uneven geographies of mobility’ structured by the airline industry and its profit and efficiency driven selection of routes.”

So a lot for prophets sans honour in their own village.

The report next deals with the far more complex concern of visitor expenditure. This writer gave up a profession in journalism to join the leisure industry in 1974. For the last four and a half decades in destination promotion and airline marketing this writer has heard a lot of advocates of upmarket tourism who want to bring higher spending vacationers and market MICE tourism – meetings, incentives, conventions and exhibitions.

This writer as soon as earned the wrath of one of these pundits who had the habit of starting his homilies with the words “Please appropriate me if I am wrong.” To my own amazement I heard myself telling him “No boss I can not do that. It is a full time job! ”

The report has a chart which is offered below. It indicates the Worldwide Destinations by overnight visitor arrival expenditure per city resident in 2015. This gauges the overall performance of a destination city by taking to account the size of the city’s resident population and compares it with the quantity of international overnight guests that it attracts per city resident. Cities such as Dubai, Singapore and even Amsterdam are at an benefit in this calibration. Colombo is not in the top 20 but could measure up to the test if we ever get in to the league.


Even though the report has excited the former secretary of Defense and Urban development, Colombo is nowhere near the top ten Location cities in Asia/Pacific. The leading ten destinations in its order are Bangkok, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Seoul, Hong Kong, Tokyo, Taipei, Shanghai, Mumbai and Osaka.

“Bangkok which was ranked second in the world is the top location in Asia/Pacific. , displacing Melbourne. In terms of cross-border spending, Seoul leads in Asia/Pacific with an anticipated US$ 15.2 billion, followed by Singapore at US$ 14.7 billion, Bangkok at US$ 12.4 billion, Kuala Lumpur at US$ 12. billion, and Taipei at US$ 9.3 billion.”

These figures should tell us exactly where we are in the company of tourism and the more daunting activity of aviation.

The report also includes some fascinating insights in to the developments in aviation sector as regards significant leisure destinations – Bangkok, Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. The report graphically shows how each and every city has tended to create its feeder networks.




The charts clearly demonstrate that the Asian location cities have their feeder reservoirs inside Asia and Australasia. Europe is incidental to their achievement.

SDA3Our aviation market and the tourism sector does not wish to confront the truth. Each industries survive on self-deception and self-delusion. Our stewardesses serve free Moët &amp Chandon while our property maids earn the dollars that spend for them.

The government has no business to stay in the Air Line Business. Sri Lanka can not afford a flag carrier. It would be less expensive for us to let someone else to paint our flag on their aircraft and pay us a token royalty. The information are out there with IATA itself. The Airlines, that is to say the lucky ones could at greatest make significantly less than $ six per passenger. On about $ 750 billion in income, that functions out to a possible net profit of just $ 18 billion. It need to operate out to be two.4% profit margin. That is the truth. As the German playwright Wolfgang Borchert says in his theatre of the ruins ‘Outsider’ “Truth is like the town whore. Everybody knows her, but nonetheless, it&#8217s embarrassing to meet her on the street”.

එන්. එම්. පෙරේරා, සැල්වදෝර් අයියන්දේ සහ හියුගෝ චාවේස්: සමාජවාදය සදහා අරගලයේ මුලෝපාය තුනක්

සුමනසිරි ලියනගේ &#8211

&#x000dc3&#x000dd4&#x000db8&#x000db1&#x000dc3&#x000dd2&#x000dbb&#x000dd2 &#x000dbd&#x000dd2&#x000dba&#x000db1&#x000d9c&#x000dda

සුමනසිරි ලියනගේ

ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ නායකයාව සිටි ආචාර්ය එන්. එම්. පෙරේරාගේ 110 වෙනි ජන්ම සංවත්සරය මේ මාසයට යෙදී තිබේ. ආචාර්ය එන්. එම්. පෙරේරා විශිෂ්ට ගනයේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදියෙකු ලෙස සිට්ටම් කිරීමට බොහෝ දෙනා මෙම අවස්තාව යොදා ගන්නවාට සැකයක් නැත. එමෙන්ම හේ මෙරට වෙස්ට්මිනිස්ටර් සම්ප්‍රදායයන් ප්‍රතිෂ්ටාපනය කිරීමට විශාල මෙහෙයක් කල බවද සදහන් වෙනු ඇත. මෙමගින් එන් එම් අධිරාජ්‍යවාදයට එරෙහිව ගෙන ගිය අවිච්චින්න අරගලයත් මෙරට මානුෂවාදී සමාජ පරිවර්තනයකට ගත් අකලංක උත්සාහයත් යට ගැසීමට උත්සාහ ගනු ඇත. එන් එම් පෙරේරා ගැන වසරකට වරක් ලිපියක් ලිවීම මගේ පුරුද්දකි. මා බොහෝ විට ලියා ඇත්තේ ඔහු අතින් කෙරුණ වැරදි ගැන ය. මෙරට ඉතිහාසයේ ඔහුට හිමිවිය යුතු තැන මෙම වැරදි හේතුකොටගෙන ඔහුට නොලැබුණේ යැයි මට ඇත්තේ ශෝකයකි. එන්. එම් ට මෙන්ම මා ආදරය කරන දකුණේ තවත් වමේ නායකයන් දෙදෙනෙකු සමග සසදමින් ඔහු ගැන සටහනක් ලිවීම වැදගත් යැයි මට සිතින. එම දේපොළ නම් චිලියේ ජනපතිව සිටි සැල්වදෝර් අයියන්දේ සහ වෙනිසීයුලාවේ ජනපතිව සිටි හියුගෝ චාවේස් ය.

මෙම තුන්පොල අතර ඇති ප්‍රධාන සමාන කම වන්නේ ඔවුන් තිදෙනාම සමාජවාදී පරිවර්තනයක් හරහා මානව විමුක්තිය සහ සංවර්ධනය වෙනුවෙන් තම ජීවිත කැප කිරීම ය. එහෙත්, සමාජවාදය යන්නෙන් අදහස් කරන්නේ කුමක් ද? එය ගොඩනැගීම සදහා රාජ්‍ය බලය හැසිරවිය යුත්තේ කෙසේ ද? වැනි ප්‍රශ්න පිලිබදව ඔවුන් දුන් පිළිතුරු තරමක් වෙනස් ය. විශේෂයෙන් ඔවුනගේ සමාජවාදී භාවිතය කැපී පෙනෙන ලෙස වෙනස් විය. එක් අතකින් මගේ පරිශ්‍රමය අසාධාරණ එකක් විය හැක. එන්. එම්. පෙරේරා සහ සැල්වදෝර් අයියන්දේ ජීවත් වූ යුගය සහ හියුගෝ චාවේස් ජීවත් වූ යුගයයන් එකිනෙකට වෙනස් ය. එන්. එම්. පෙරේරා සහ සැල්වදෝර් අයියන්දේ ජීවත් වූ යුගය සමාජප්‍රජාතන්ත්රවාදී අදහස් ශක්තිමත්ව තිබු සහ නිරවි යුද තත්වයක් පැවති ප්‍රමාද ධනවාදී යුගය ය. හියුගෝ චාවේස් ජීවත් වූයේ නවලිබරල්වාදී අවධියේ ය.

NM-Pereraනව ලිබරල්වාදී සන්දර්භය තුල සමාජවාදය යලි අර්ථ කථනය කිරීමට චාවේස් ට සිදුවිණ. හේ එම නව අදහස හැදින්වුයේ 21 වෙනි සියවසේ සමාජවාදය නමිනි. මෙම 21 වෙනි සියවසේ සමාජවාදයේ ප්‍රධාන අංග ලක්ෂණ තුනක් චාවේස් දක්වයි. එනම්: (1) ආර්ථිකයේ පරිවර්තනය (2) දේශපාලන තලයේ සහභාගිත්ව සහ නිර්මානාත්මක ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය, (3) සියල්ලන් වෙත ආදරය, සහයෝගිතාවය සහ සමතාවය මත පදනම් වූ සමාජවාදී ආචාර ධර්ම ය. 21 වෙනි සියවසේ සමාජවාදය බොහෝ කරුණු අතින් සෝවියට් සමාජවාදයට වඩා වෙනස් විය. 21 වෙනි සියවසේ සමාජවාදය රාජ්‍ය දේපොළ පදනම්කරගත් මධ්‍යගත සැලසුම් ක්‍රමය ප්‍රතිකශේප කරයි. එමෙන්ම එය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී විසම්මතය පිළිගනු ලබන දේශපාලන ක්‍රමයක් පිළිගනියි. පලදායිතාවය ඉහල නැංවීම 21 වෙනි සියවසේ සමාජවාදය සූත්‍රගත කරන්නේ හුදු ද්‍රව්‍යමය නිෂ්පාදනය ඉහල දැමීම නොව ස්වභාව ධර්මය සහ මානව නිර්මාණ ශක්තියෙහි වැඩිවීමකි. බෙදුන විසුරුණ බල ව්‍යූහයක් එය යෝජනා කරයි.

එන්. එම්. පෙරේරා සහ සැල්වදෝර් අයියන්දේ රාජ්‍ය ඒකාධිකාරී දේපොළ සහ මධ්‍යගත සැලසුම් ක්‍රමය ගැන විශ්වාසය තැබුහ. මෙම නායකයන් තිදෙන සමාජවාදය ගොඩ නැගීමට ඉදිරිපත් කොට අනුගමනය කල මුලෝපායයන් පලවෙනි සටහන මගින් සාරාංෂ කර දක්වයි.

SL1960 ගණන් මුල ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ දේශපාලන මණ්ඩල සභිකයෙකු වූ හෙක්ටර් අභයවර්ධන Categories of Left Thinking in Sri Lanka නම් ලිපියෙන් ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ දේශපාලනය බරපතල වෙනසකට ලක් කලේ ය. මෙවන් ලිපියක් 1950 ගණන් වලදී ලීවේ නම් ආචාර්ය කොල්වින් ආර් ද සිල්වා එය පතුරු ගහන බවට මට සැකයක් නැත. මෙම ලිපිය ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය පිළිබද ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ අදහස උඩු යටිකුරු කලේ ය. එන් එම් පෙරේරා තම නව අත්හදා බැලීම ට පදනම කර ගත්තේ මෙම ලිපිය ය. ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය වැනි ජනතාවාදී පක්ෂ සමාජවාදී ගමනේ කිසියම් දුරක් යන්නේ නම් වමේ පක්ෂ එම ගමනට ආධාර කල යුතුවා පමණක් නොව එයට ජනතා තෙරපුම මගින් එම ගමන සපත කල යුතු ය. මෙම සන්දර්භය තුල ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය එතෙක් ගෙනගිය දේශපාලන ගමන් මග වෙනස් කොට ධනේශ්වර පක්ෂයක් සමග ආණ්ඩු පෙරමුණකට ගමන් ගත්තේ ය. 1970 සිට එම ආණ්ඩුව යම් යම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරන කල බව සත්‍යයකි. එහෙත් එම ආණ්ඩුව කම්කරු සහ තරුණ සටන් මර්දනය කලේ ය. ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය ගැන සමාජයේ පහළ පන්තිවල තිබු අදහස ඉක්මනින් වෙනස් විය. ධනේශ්වර ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය ට තව දුරටත් වමේ සහාය කරදරයක් ද විය. ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය ට ආණ්ඩුවෙන් අයින්ව යාමට කටයුතු සකස් වින. 1964 ශක්තිමත් පක්ෂයක් ලෙස ගිය ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය පෙරමුණෙන් පිටතට ආවේ දුර්වල වැහැරුන පක්ෂයක් ලෙස ය.

පාඩම 1: ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය වැනි ජනතාවාදී එහෙත් ධනේශ්වර පක්ෂ සමග පෙරමුණක් ගොඩ නැගීම මගින් පවත්නා රාජ්‍ය ආයතන පද්ඩතිය තුල පිහිටමින් සමාජ පරිවර්තනයක් කළනොහැකි බව ය. මෙම පරිවර්තනය පිළිබද ගමන නොනවතින එකකි. එහි පියවර නැත. ස්ටලින්වාදී ජනතා පෙරමුණු අදහස සමාජයේ පහල පන්ති වලට ගෙන දෙන්නේ පරාජයකි.

1970 ගණන් මුල චිලියේ ගොඩ නැගුන පෙරමුණේ ප්‍රධාන පක්ෂ දෙක වුයේ සමාජවාදී පක්ෂය සහ කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය ය. එය එනයින් 1964 ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පෙරමුණ මෙන් පන්ති අතර පෙරමුණක් නොවී ය. සමාජ පහල පන්ති වල එක්සත් පෙරමුණක් විය. කෙසේ වුවද අයියන්දේ කල්පනා කලේ පවත්නා ධනේශ්වර ආයතන පද්ධ්‍තිය තුල බොහෝ දුරක් යා හැකි බව ය. මෙම ප්‍රශ්නය සම්බන්ධව පිදෙල් කස්ත්‍රෝ ඔහුට අනතුරු ඇගවුයේ ප්‍රති විප්ලවීය බලවේග වල ප්‍රහාරය කට ඇති ඉඩකඩ සිහි ගන්වමිනි. ඇමරිකානු රහස් ඔත්තු සේවයේ දැනුම සහ ආධාරය ඇතිව එල්ල වුන දක්ෂිණාංශික ප්‍රහාරය අයියන්දේ මරා දමා එම ආණ්ඩුව පෙරලා පිනෝචේ ගෙ මිලිටරි පැසිස්ට් වාදයට මග පෑදුවේය.

පාඩම two: ධනේශ්වර රාජ්‍ය යාන්ත්‍රනය සහ එහි ආණ්ඩු ව්‍යුහයයන් ඇතුලත සමාජවාදී සමාජ පරිවර්තනයක් කල නොහැකි බව ය.

වෙනිසියුලානු ජනාධිපති හියුගෝ චාවේස් එක අතකින් සෝවියට් සමාජවාදයේ ඉමහත් වැරදි ද අනෙක් අතින් ලතින් ඇමරිකානු කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂ අනුගමනය කල මහජන පෙරමුණු වාදී දේශපාලනයේ ප්‍රතිපල හොදින් අවබෝධ කර ගත්තේ ය. එමෙන්ම, හේ චිලි අත්දැකීමේ පාඩම් ග්‍රහණය කර ගත්තේ ය. 21 වෙනි සියවසේ සමාජවාදය බොලිවේරියානු විප්ලව වාදීන් සූත්‍ර ගත කරන්නේ මෙම තත්වය තුල ය. එය සමාජ යේ පහතමාලයේ පෙරමුණු, මහජන සහභාගිත්ව ආයතන සහ නව ව්‍යුහයයන් වල අවශ්‍යතාවය අවධාරණය කලේ ය. ඇමරිකානු ඔත්තු සේවයන්හි දැවැන්ත කුමන්ත්‍රණයන් හමුවේ වෙනිසියුලාව තව දුරටත් සමාජ පරිවර්තන මාවතේ ගමන් ගන්නේ එම නිවැරදි පාඩම් මත පිහිටි දේශපාලනයක් ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමෙනි.

සමාජ පරිවර්තනය බරපතල ඇති දුෂ්කර කාර්යයකි. සමාජ පහත මාලයේ පෙරමුණක් වන ග්‍රීසියේ සිරිසා ආණ්ඩුව හමුවේ අද ඇත්තේ බරපතල අභියෝගයකි. ලෝක ධනේශ්වර ක්‍රමය ඉදිරිපත් කරන අභියෝගයනට මුහුණ දීම බෙහෙවින් දුෂ්කර ය. ජාතික රාජ්‍යයෙන් ඔබ්බට ගිය දේශපාලන සමගියක් ඊට අවශ්‍ය ය.

එන් එම් පෙරේරා තම අනුභූතිය මත පිහිටා 1975 දී සහභාග දේශපාලනයෙන් බිදුනද ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය ට එයින් බිදීම අපහසු විය. බර්නාඩ් සොයිසා නැවත වතාවක් පක්ෂය එම හබකයෙම හිර කලේ ය. අද ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය කෙතරම් පිරිහී ඇත ද යත් එය තුල ඇති විවාදය කුමන ධනපති කදවුර සමග එකට යනවාද ගැන මිස සභාග දේශපාලනයෙන් බිදීම ගැන නොවේ. සමාජවාදී පරිවර්තනයක් ගැන සිතිය හැක්කේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අපට සිරිසා වැනි සමාජයේ පහල තීරුව නියෝජනය කරන පක්ෂ සහ පුද්ගලයන්ගේ එකතුවක් මගින් පමණි.

Dharmishta Sirisena Plays Saffron Card

Contrary to what Sri Lanka’s President Maithripala Sirisena boasts concerning his published official stance that he is operating towards ethnic and religious harmony, the principal page slider of the official web site of the President only carries 4 photographs of him posing with Buddhist monks providing far more meaning that he himself supports Buddhist supremacy.

Maithripala webAlso the cover web page of his official Facebook page highlights him posing in a photograph surrounded by a group of nine Buddhist Monks.

While talking about peace and reconciliation the President appears to be promoting the Sinhala Buddhist supremacy by way of even his Facebook page exactly where he is further pictured with Buddhist monks.

What is startling even further is that the photograph containing him in the Presidential official internet web page carries a cropped version of the national flag where the photograph of the symbol of the lion takes center stage cutting off all other ethnic groups. The image of the lion in the national flag of Sri Lanka carrying a sword represents the Sinhalese ethnicity and the bravery of the Sinhalese nation. Maithripala

Maithripala 10 June 2015

Maithripala June 2015

Maithripala 10 June 2015


Maithripala web

Maithripala FDB page 10, June 2015



The Largest Modify Comes Through Elections

By Jehan Perera &#8211

Jehan Perera

Jehan Perera

President Maithripala Sirisena has announced his intention to seek the passage of the 20th Amendment to the constitution as a priority. The reforms envisage an electoral technique in which the majority of parliamentary seats will be obtained on the initial-previous-the post system, even though maintaining to an general proportional outcome. The expertise at elections held below the present proportional method with a preferential voting alternative has been a damaging 1. It has been marked by heavy expenditures by candidates who have to contest considerably larger district-sized electorates and has also led to in-fighting by candidates inside the identical political party for the preferential votes that will get them elected.

The promise of a adjust in the electoral program was one particular of the key promises in the election manifesto of President Sirisena in the course of the presidential election campaign. In terms of constitutional reforms, it was alongside the promises to minimize the direct powers of the presidency on the one hand, and to establish a non-partisan constitutional council to oversee non-partisan appointments becoming made to crucial institutions of the state, such as the judiciary, police, public service and elections commission. The government has received considerably commendation for having passed the 19th Amendment within the 1st 100 days of President Sirisena’s election victory.

However, the passage of the 19th Amendment was not easy. There were several opinions and vested interests involved in the approach of decision generating. At occasions it seemed that the 2/3 majority necessary for constitutional adjust would not be located. The passage of the 19th Amendment was only created feasible by the cohabitation of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe who heads the present UNP government with President Sirisena who heads the SLFP opposition who had been capable to persuade their respective party members to give their assistance to the constitutional amendment. This identical political configuration exists today and offers the hope that it can be utilized to offer a equivalent effective outcome in the case of the 20th Amendment.

Maithripala 19 05 2015Unfortunately, with the passage of time the spirit of rivalry between the two principal political parties in the country has elevated, and not decreased, which tends to make the passage of the 20th Amendment much less probably. The UNP is concerned that the 20th Amendment will be utilised to delay the speedy dissolution of Parliament which was part of the President’s election manifesto. It is in the interests of the opposition to continue with the present parliamentary configuration for as long as achievable, and till April 2016 when the term of the present parliament lapses. This is on account of each their worry that they will not be a component of Parliament once more, and their hope that the present government becomes significantly less common with the passage of time. Their interest lies in obtaining the basic elections later rather than sooner.

Slowing Down 

The election manifesto of the alliance of political parties that supported the candidacy of President Maithripala Sirisena highlighted a 100 day plan soon after which Parliament would be dissolved and fresh elections would be referred to as. Following the passage of 150 days because the election of President Sirisena the government formed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe appears to be operating out of steam. The imbalance among a ruling celebration with a mere 43 seats in a Parliament of 225 members in which the biggest opposition party has 126 seats has begun to take its toll. The engine of the government, it is clear, is too small, and can’t pull the load any a lot more specifically when the terrain is receiving uphill.

The problem faced by the government was evident in the fiasco over the appointment of the Constitutional Council which was to be set up below the 19th Amendment. This body will be the most prestigious and critical institution of state, vested with the power to pick those who would make certain that other institutions of state, such as the judiciary, police, public service and elections commission are non-partisan and would preserve the independence of these key institutions. According to the 19th Amendment the appointments to the Constitutional Council would be mostly the duty of the President, Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition with the leaders of the smaller sized parties also obtaining an input.

A fortnight ago it seemed that the appointments to the Constitutional Council were on track, with the names of those who had been to be members announced. Nonetheless, the choice of the President, Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition has not been ratified by Parliament. As a outcome there is a deadlock exactly where it concerns appointments to crucial state institutions. An example is the Bribery Commission which has been in the news over the past a number of months as it has received a plethora of complaints against members of the former government who are now in the opposition. 1 of the Bribery Commissioners has resigned but can not be replaced due to the fact the Constitutional Council is not however constituted. As a result the Bribery Commission as well remains with no a Commissioner and unable to take up new cases.

Constructive Change 

The lacuna that has beset governance is not limited to institutions of state. It also has implications for government policy. The government which has a ruling party of only 43 members in a parliament of 225 can’t pass legislation in parliament unless the much larger opposition in parliament agrees. The parliamentary opposition has tiny or no incentive to cooperate with the government as is interest lies in weakening the ruling party and showing it to be ineffective. This has a damaging effect on all areas of governance, not least the economy. The financial dividend that was anticipated after the replacement of the former government has however to materialize.

The present stalemate in governance has mobilized sections of civil society to issue a contact for the quick dissolution of parliament. They noted that “there is a rising perception of crisis and instability, which cannot be permitted to take root. The economy cannot afford this lack of political direction for a lot longer, and as importantly, the hope and aspiration produced by the modify of government in January demands both clarity in promises being kept and further progress in reforms, particularly with regard to devolution and energy-sharing. The time is ripe as a result for fresh parliamentary elections which would let the folks of Sri Lanka to have their say on reforms already enacted and to mandate the path of the government for the subsequent five years.”

A considerable quantity of work and compromise has gone into the preparation of the new electoral method. Most of the parties, such as the small and ethnic minority parties have expressed their willingness to go along with it. The ideal that can be hoped for is that the 20th Amendment is finalized without any much more delay and placed before Parliament. Nevertheless, the overriding priority is for the country to have an effective government that is primarily based on the present political realities, and not those that existed 5 years ago in 2010, when the present parliament was elected. The pursuit of consensus to receive a two/three majority to pass the 20th Amendment need to not stand in the way of elections for a new parliament. The overriding value of elections and new government leadership was noticed greatest at the presidential election that took location on January eight this year, which has transformed life in the nation.

UN-UNP-TNA: The Penetrated State & The Northern “Government”

By Dayan Jayatilleka – 

Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

Practically nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are basically within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall need the Members to submit such matters to settlement below the present Charter but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter Vll.”- UN Charter Chapter 1, Post two

Did you consider that as a unitary state, there is only a single, single Government in Sri Lanka, though there are a quantity of Provincial Councils to which a measure of power has been devolved by that one single government? Effectively, not according to the United Nations and the current (unelected) Sri Lankan Government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe! Did you know that there is a “Northern Provincial Government” in Sri Lanka, and not merely a Northern Provincial Council and its administration/Cabinet? Did you know that the United Nations will be assisting that “Northern Provincial Government”? Have you ever heard of a Southern Provincial Government or a Wayamba or Western Provincial Government in Sri Lanka&#8211 and if not, why (only) a Northern Provincial Government?

When Varadarajaperumal’s administration placed an advertisement in the newspapers and signed as the North Eastern Provincial Government, a furious President President Premadasa and Minister Ranjan Wijeratne exclaimed that “there is only one particular government in Sri Lanka!” It is the self-perception of itself as a “Government” that led the NEPC to its threat of a UDI, and President Premadasa to dissolve it. What is worse today is that the UN refers to a “Northern Provincial Government” and the Government of Sri Lanka has gone along, not minding in the least!

If the United Nations refers to and assists a Northern Provincial “Government”, how long will it be just before the latter regards itself as a proto state, and the former recognizes the latter as 1?

The proof comes not from a supply hostile to this government, these processes or to Sri Lanka but from an official statement by an affable friend of this nation, UNDP Resident Representative Subinay Nandy, who says: “…Third, to give technical assistance to the Northern Provincial Government to far better strategy and undertake improvement applications, create revenue and reach out to communities, for consultation and feedback. This component is to be implemented by UNDP.”

Sri Lanka beneath ‘Yahapalanaya’ is a penetrated state.

The UN is now engaged in the deep and sensitive internal political processes of this country processes which are not only deep but have the most wide ranging legal, constitutional, security and strategic implications. It is hugely unlikely that President Sirisena is aware of this and it is practically certain that the Cabinet does not know or has not granted its assent. Surely the parliament has neither been informed and nonetheless much less has endorsed this hazardous new shift.

If the readers consider that I am overdrawing the image of UN involvement in Sri Lanka, let me merely quote from the UN Resident Representatives statement as authoritatively reproduced in the state’s flagship newspaper the Every day News:

“The UN is therefore engaging comprehensively with the Government, by delivering technical assistance and monetary support to advance reconciliation and create sustainable peace. In particular, we are operating with our counterparts &#8211 coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs &#8211 and finalizing an initiative for assistance from the UN Peacebuilding Fund. The Peacebuilding Fund will help Sri Lanka, initially with $ three million, to establish and operationalize processes for constructing peace through reconciliation and accountability by addressing the vital core grievances of minorities in an inclusive and consultative manner. In particular, with the assistance of the Fund, the UN is searching at supporting the Government in 4 locations:

*First, technical support to establish an inclusive and credible domestic mechanism to address human rights violations and accountability and provide redress to victims and conflict affected groups, including families of the missing, in line with international standards. This element will be led by OHCHR.

*Second, to initiate inclusive, broad-primarily based mechanisms for inter-ethnic trust constructing, reconciliation and social cohesion working with the recently established Workplace for National Unity and Reconciliation. This component will be implemented by UNDP with technical tips from the Reconciliation and Development Adviser primarily based at the UN Resident Coordinator&#8217s Workplace.

*Third, to offer technical help to the Northern Provincial Government to far better strategy and undertake improvement programs, produce revenue and reach out to communities, for consultation and feedback. This component is to be implemented by UNDP.

*And finally, to implement fast influence resettlement initiatives strategically targeting conflict affected and vulnerable internally displaced persons in the North and the East. This early implementation component will be done by UNHCR and UNICEF.

On this final point, support for resettlement of internally displaced persons, the UN will companion with the Ministry of Resettlement providing catalytic support to the return processes in Jaffna and Trincomalee, by way of a $ 1.2 million project.”

So the United Nations will play a part, through UN’s Peacebuilding Fund, which will initially allocate $ three million, “to establish and operationalize processes for developing peace through reconciliation and accountability by addressing the essential core grievances of minorities in an inclusive and consultative manner.”

Furthermore, the so-referred to as ‘domestic inquiry’ into accountability will be according to unspecified ‘international standards’ (decided by whom?) and have unspecified technical help from the UN, led by the OHCHR, i.e. the very Office of the Higher Commissioner of Human Rights, which is spearheading the international inquiry into Sri Lanka!

The UN is becoming drawn in to the search for a resolution to the core troubles of majority-minority relations on the island as well as the search for accountability and reconciliation.

This has deadly critical implications. If it can aid it, no country makes it possible for the UN a role in such sensitive domestic processes. For instance India wouldn’t hear of any UN involvement in the Kashmir question.

UN involvement in domestic politico-legal processes in two exceptional sets of situations: the country concerned is a failed state or has been defeated in war and is put beneath de facto UN trusteeship or there has been a negotiated end to a civil war in which the UN has played a role or a UN part has been agreed upon as component of the peace settlement.

Sri Lanka fits neither of these categories.

If the UN gets involved in such domestic processes, specifically in an ethno-lingual or ethno-regional context, it generally ends with a single side making use of the UN as leverage to move towards independence or the West employing the UN to do so. Kosovo is a case in point.

Our finest Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar famously quipped that the only role for the UN in Sri Lanka was to aid in the eradication of Malaria by the spraying of DDT. As his parliamentary speech slicing and dicing Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Ceasefire Agreement (published in the Sunday Instances) showed, the cornerstone of Kadirgamar’s foreign policy was a strenuous recommitment to national sovereignty. He was eliminated by an LTTE sniper ten years ago this August. Had he been buried rather than cremated he would have been rolling in his grave at the dangerously intrusive role that his successor and former cabinet colleague Mangala Samaraweera has arranged for the UN to play.

Although we now know what to anticipate in terms of a UN function in Sri Lanka if Ranil Wickremesinghe is elected PM and Mangala Samaraweera and Chandrika Kumaratunga continue to hold essential roles, we also know with no significantly less clarity what we can anticipate from on the Northern and Eastern ethnic front. The TNA agenda has been laid bare in an interview given to the Daily Mirror, by Mr. Sumanthiran M.P. It has three points: (A) the quick release of those he calls political prisoners, (B) the promulgation of a new Constitution to resolve the ethnic concern along the lines his party sees fit and (C) the recognition that genocide of some selection took spot against Sri Lanka’s Tamils. Let Mr. Sumanthiran do the speaking:

“The second situation of course is of the political prisoners. Some measures have been taken to release political prisoners but nobody has been released as however. So we know that those steps have been taken. But we want to see the actual release taking spot. The President recently stated that there was no political prisoner and nobody would be named a political prisoner. That is unfortunate that he says that. The phrase political prisoner has a distinct meaning. Those are the people who are involved in crimes probably, but not for their own advantage but to accomplish political objectives. It is accurate that they are held beneath particular laws. All of these people are held beneath the Prevention of Terrorism Act. And all of them had been accused or suspected of obtaining to have committed offences in achieving political objectives. So the President and the government must realise that they are political prisoners and the phrase has a meaning globe over. Nelson Mandela was a political prisoner. If you had asked the white South African rulers, they would have stated that there are no political prisoners. He was convicted beneath a section of that Act. But the planet recognises that he was a political prisoner. So there are political prisoners and these are political associated detentions. And the President also should use the correct phrase and admit that there are political prisoners and release them now.”

Here Mr. Sumanthiran is engaging, as his party – and Tamil nationalism in general&#8211usually does, in trickery and dishonesty. In his advocacy of the instant release of hardcore Tigers, he shamelessly invokes the name of Nelson Mandela, who by no means consciously targeted or authorized the targeting of a single unarmed, innocent civilian in the liberation struggle—which incidentally was against a minority regime and for democratic majority rule (just the opposite of the LTTE’s struggle). By contrast the tigers engaged in the savage butchery of unarmed civilians of innocents.

Mr. Sumanthiran cannot be unaware that Nelson Mandela was convicted by the courts of a regime internationally condemned as illegitimate an apartheid regime of a white minority state, not a democratic State which represented the majority of its citizens as was and is the case in Sri Lanka.

Sumanthiran’s definition is characteristically deceitful. Even a Nazi fascist war criminal or a butcher of Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge perpetrated his savagery, not for “their personal benefit” but precisely for collective political objective! That did not make them mere “political prisoners’ who need to be released!

If there is any individual in a Sri Lankan jail, not because of an act of violence but due to the fact of his or her political views, then such a person is indubitably a political prisoner and ought to be released.

But if a particular person has been convicted by a duly constituted court of law, particularly in an elected democracy, for lethally violent offenses, then they can not be regarded as ‘political prisoners’ who need to be instantly released!

Sri Lankan can, nevertheless, expect precisely such persons to be released back into society, if Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNP wins the upcoming election.

That is not the only factor we can expect. Mr. Sumanthiran discloses that the UNP has promised a new constitution if elected one that will ultimately resolve the ethnic issue.

“…But at the exact same time, there is a large national issue that we are concerned about and that wants to be addressed. We agreed with this government that it want not be fully addressed till the basic elections are more than, but thereafter that situation must be provided priority. The government has currently spoken about the passage of 19th Amendment. The Prime Minister said it in Parliament, the Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice as well had voiced that a new constitution would be enacted and the next Parliament must be converted in to a Constitutional Assembly. And the Foreign Minister specifically mentioned in his speech that in that constitution the ethnic situation also would lastly be resolved…”

Mr. Sumanthiran is disclosed at a ‘Managers meeting’ in Jaffna, a report of which appeared in the Thinakkural of May possibly 18th, that there is currently an agreement with the UNP, according to which a new Constitution which is non-unitary in character will be promulgated right away soon after the election.

Finally, Mr. Sumanthiran seeks to legitimize and spin the term “genocide” and seeks recognition for its use. He says:

“The genocide concern is a political slogan. What I said that about NPC resolution was that it was an expression of the individuals. It doesn’t mean the crime of genocide is proved for the international crime of genocide. There must be a tribunal and there should be numerous ingredients of that offence that have to be proved. Now I don’t think that is what the NPC had mentioned. The NPC says that from  1947 these issues had happened and these all are intended to diminish the Tamil people’s states and Tamil people’s lives in this country either by driving them out of the nation, killing a group of individuals, a periodic violence against the Tamil and so on, and they known as it genocide. That may possibly not match with the international crime of genocide, it is not. In truth at the finish of the resolution says the international neighborhood has not accepted this sort of events as genocide. Now you need to recognize that this is also as genocide. So it have to be noticed in total context of people saying that the Tamil people have been suffering for 60 years of protracted violence. And they are saying that is genocide.”

Provided all these public disclosures, it appears to me that the single most important factor about the upcoming parliamentary election is the opportunity it offers to unplug the insidious project of the Ranil-Chandrika-Mangala troika and flush out the trio, thereby halting the massive long term damage they are undertaking to the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka to its future as a strong, independent, united nation.

Gota’s New PR Drive To Beat The FCID

The Monetary Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) dismissed a statement from former Secretary to the Ministry of Defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa to “white wash” the MiG-27 fighter jet scandal by saying all documents were submitted in a case to the District Court Mount Lavinia.

GotaAn FCID spokesman said those documents have been provided when Rajapaksa was fighting a libel action against The Sunday Leader newspaper. They had exposed information of the corrupt MiG deal. “We are not concerned about his defence there. We are conducting a probe. All I can say is we have identified some startling findings. I cannot say anything further due to the fact the probe is still under way,” the spokesman stated.

This week Gotabaya Rajapaksa has been upset more than the Colombo Telegraph revelations. He has been telephoning police larger ups and government leaders and asking them not to proceed with the investigations. He has told them that all the details can be discovered in the case he filed against The Sunday Leader. Why the former Defence Secretary is so worried and attempting to take cover below his own defence in a court case is quite apparent – he does not want the Police to continue further investigations. The after potent official in Sri Lanka kept the media out when the case was heard in the Mount Lavinia Courts. No one particular was allowed to be present in the courthouse and he now desires the Police and the Sri Lankan public to think what he has said. Right here is his statement:

Final Sunday, it was reported in a single Sunday newspaper and 1 news internet site that the FCID which was carrying out an investigation into the obtain and overhaul of a number of MiG-27 aircraft in 2006 in the course of my tenure as defence secretary had found a secret bank account in the name of Bellimissa Holdings Ltd which had been opened in the British Virgin Islands just just before the deal. This is hardly the 1st time that this so referred to as ‘MiG deal’ has featured in the press. This topic has been discussed in the media on an off for the previous nine years. Because the alter of government, interest in this matter has been revived by our political opponents and I believe this is an opportune moment to explain to the public what this problem is about. All the documents described in this press release have been submitted the District Court of Mt Lavinia.

1. When the Chandrika Kumaratunga government purchased two MiG-27 ground attack aircraft and a single MiG-23 trainer aircraft in the year 2000, the contract for the provide of the planes was signed on 24 October 2000 with 1 T.S.Lee of DS Alliance of Singapore. Absolutely everyone knows that MiG aircraft are not manufactured in Singapore. The policy of our government was that arms would be purchased directly from the companies so as to get rid of middlemen.

2. When our government decided in 2006 to obtain four MiG-27 aircraft and to get the three existing MiG-27 planes and one MiG-23 overhauled, we straight approached UKRINMASH the makers of MiG planes in Ukraine. In the ‘letter of offer’ sent by UKRINMASH to the Ministry of Defence on 6 February 2006, it was specifically stated that this supply was being made in conjunction with a financier providing financing to the manufacturer and that the beneficiary of the letter of credit will be the financier. This formal letter of supply further stated that they will inform us of the name of the beneficiary organization within 3 days of signing the contract.

3. The UNP government of 2001-2004 had also created overtures to UKRINMASH for the supply of four MiG- 27 aircraft and in the letter of provide they had sent to the then Defence Minister Tilak Marapone on 22 April 2003, UKRINMASH had specified that the payment ought to be produced to a finance organization and that they will inform Sri Lanka of the name of the beneficiary business within three days of signing the contract. The approach of payment laid out in the supply made to Mr Marapone is word to word the exact same as made to us in 2006.

four. Mr D.A.Peregudov a Director of UKRINMASH has written to the Sri Lanka Defence Ministry explaining that UKRINMASH is a completely state owned enterprise and that according to Ukrainian law, his establishment does not have the appropriate to trade on credit terms and that they cannot offer you credit facilities for two years as requested by us. Hence a financier by the name of Bellimissa Holdings Ltd would give financing for the transaction.

five. When the contract was signed on 26 July 2006 for the provide of four MiG-27 aircraft and the overhaul of 4 other MiG aircraft, there were three signatories &#8211 the Commander of the Sri Lanka Air Force as the purchaser, UKRINMASH as the seller and Bellimissa Holdings Ltd as the designated party which was to acquire the payment. This is a legally binding contract beneath Ukrainian and international law amongst two government agencies in Sri Lanka and Ukraine.

6. Section 23.1 of this contract specified that the buyer and the seller are aware that Bellimissa Holdings Ltd shall be involved to give financing to facilitate the transaction and that all payments beneath this contract including freight charges shall be paid to Bellimissa Holdings Ltd.

7. When the Invoice for the purchase and overhaul of the MiG aircraft was sent by UKRINMASH to the commander of the air force on 31 July 2006, it was after once again specified that the Bank of Ceylon need to open letters of credit in favour of Bellimissa Holdings Ltd. When a state owned enterprise in a foreign nation enters into a legally binding contract for the provide of aircraft, the buyer has to make the payment as the seller specifies.

There was absolutely nothing secret about the payment getting produced to Bellimissa Holdings Ltd, because they too were a signatory to the legal contract. We purchased these MiG aircraft directly from the companies in Ukraine, the payment was made, the aircraft was delivered, they had been employed in the war which was won and those aircraft are nonetheless in service. This puerile try by particular interested parties to establish the impression amongst the public that there was one thing ‘secret’ and underhand about the purchase of these MiG aircraft is a component of a extended standing attempt to sully my name and to cast doubt on my integrity. Behind all this is also the project of attempting to tarnish the war victory itself. I call upon the people of Sri Lanka not to be misled by the propaganda of interested parties who are trying to turn a lie into a truth constantly repeating the lie.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa

Associated stories

Academic Exposing Corrupt War Procurement Tender Process Threatened By Rajapaksa Government

Media Not Allowed To Cover Sumanthiran Cross-Examining Gotabaya

Press Barred Again From Covering Gotabaya’s Cross Examination In Court

Apology To Gotabaya By The Sunday Leader

Rajapaksa First Cousin’s Illegal Arms Bargains: Sri Lanka To Send Investigation Team To Ukraine

Rajapaksas Siphon Off 18 Billion Dollars: Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera

Exclusive: Navy Report Reveals Shocking Particulars Of Yoshitha Rajapaksa’s Rise – Ukraine Paid The Bills

MiG Deal: Rajapaksas Paid US$ 10 Million To A Ghost Business: “No Business Referred to as Bellimissa” – Interpol Confirmed

A Trembling Gotabaya Seems Before FCID

Gota’s MiG Deal: Investigation Finds Secret Bank Account In British Virgin Islands

WikiLeaks: Sunday Leader MiG Deal Researcher Leaves The Nation

The Sunday Leader journalist who researched the MiG deal had to leave the nation soon after following getting intimidated, according to a leaked cable from the US Embassy Colombo



&#8220In the overheated climate engendered by the officials&#8217 comments, numerous journalists and members of media organizations expressed to Embassy officers heightened concerns for their private security. On May possibly 26, Ruan Pethiyagoda of the Sunday Leader communicated to Emboffs that he was becoming followed and had gone into hiding. Pethiyagoda had received threats recently right after Sri Lankan Government officials learned he was researching a story that involved allegations of corruption on the component of Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa in big armed forces procurement transactions. Pethiyagoda worked closely with Lasantha Wickrematunge, editor of the Sunday Leader, who was slain in January 2009. As Pethiyagoda is an Australian dual national, Emboffs contacted an Australian High Commission officer about the case, who accompanied Pethiyagoda to the airport on May 27. He is now safely outside of Sri Lanka.&#8221 the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.

The Colombo Telegraph located the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database dated June 05, 2009. The cable is classified as “CONFIDENTIAL” and written by the US embassy Charge d’Affaires James R. Moore.

US embassy Charge d’Affaires wrote &#8220Military affairs analyst Iqbal Athas ceased writing his typical column for the Sunday Occasions (Colombo) several months ago simply because of fears of reprisals. He had sought secure haven abroad on numerous previous occasions, but returned to Sri Lanka and lived in hiding. Athas became fearful soon after the attack on Poddala Jayantha, telling told Pol Chief that he was becoming followed by males on motorcycles. On June 2, Athas once more fled abroad.

&#8220The GSL&#8217s victory has emboldened Sinhalese nationalists. As the most recent intemperate statements against journalists indicate, it seems that the Government intends to continue chauvinistic rhetoric it believes will keep its assistance amongst this important constituency. Post expects the media will continue to feel threatened and inclined toward self-censorship. Newspapers such as the Daily Mirror that previously supported the political opposition in their editorial stance, have increasingly grow to be echoes of the government-owned press. Even the outspoken Sunday Leader has muted it anti-government stance and has muted its crusading tone, shying away from the aggressive investigative journalism that was its hallmark. We count on that an growing quantity of journalists will come to the Embassy and other foreign missions for help and protection. For numerous of them, there seem to be handful of viable options to fleeing the country, at least temporarily. These who return may possibly find that the threat against them has not diminished, as Jayantha&#8217s case shows.&#8221 James Moore further said.

Associated stories

Academic Exposing Corrupt War Procurement Tender Process Threatened By Rajapaksa Government

Media Not Allowed To Cover Sumanthiran Cross-Examining Gotabaya

Press Barred Once more From Covering Gotabaya’s Cross Examination In Court

Apology To Gotabaya By The Sunday Leader

Rajapaksa Initial Cousin’s Illegal Arms Deals: Sri Lanka To Send Investigation Team To Ukraine

Rajapaksas Siphon Off 18 Billion Dollars: Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera

Exclusive: Navy Report Reveals Shocking Particulars Of Yoshitha Rajapaksa’s Rise – Ukraine Paid The Bills

MiG Deal: Rajapaksas Paid US$ ten Million To A Ghost Company: “No Organization Referred to as Bellimissa” – Interpol Confirmed

A Trembling Gotabaya Seems Just before FCID

Gota’s MiG Deal: Investigation Finds Secret Bank Account In British Virgin Islands

Wikileaks: Athas Fears Retaliation For Essential Articles On Gota’s MiG Deal

Wikileaks: Athas Fears Retaliation For Crucial Articles On Gota’s MiG Deal

&#8220Defense Correspondent Iqbal Athas is preparing to temporarily leave Sri Lanka with his household following a barrage of threats and intimidation apparently orchestrated by the Government of Sri Lanka (GSL). On August 12, he wrote an write-up for the Sunday Occasions about the Ukrainian Government&#8217s inquiry into &#8216irregularities&#8217 in the sale of 4 MIG-27 aircraft to Sri Lanka. On August 14, a Sinhala version of the write-up was published in a neighborhood paper. The subsequent day, the government withdrew Athas&#8217s safety detail. Since then, demonstrators have gathered to protest in front of his house, a man claiming to be a retired Air Force officer threatened to kill his translator, and he has received warnings that he might be kidnapped and questioned about his sources. Athas&#8217s scenario has received in depth coverage in each regional and international media. One of Athas&#8217s employers, CNN, and the Committee to Defend Journalists (CPJ) have championed his case. Ambassador Blake telephoned the Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa on August 24 and told him that it would be bad for Sri Lanka if anything have been to happen to Athas. Embassy believes the widespread publicity this case has received, and its personal efforts, will give some measure of protection to Athas and his loved ones. Post will continue to keep in close touch with Athas and intervene further if required.&#8221 the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.



The Colombo Telegraph identified the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database dated August 30, 2007. The cable is classified as “CONFIDENTIAL” and written by the US Ambassador to Colombo Robert O. Blake

The ambassador wrote &#8220Defense Correspondent Iqbal Athas is preparing to temporarily leave Sri Lanka with his household following a barrage of threats and intimidation from the GSL. Athas writes often for the Sunday Times, a nearby English-language newspaper, and also regularly contributes to CNN, Jane&#8217s Defense Weekly and the Occasions of London. On August 12, he wrote an report for the Sunday Occasions about the Ukrainian Government&#8217s inquiry into &#8220irregularities&#8221 in the sale of 4 MIG-27 aircraft to Sri Lanka. In his report, he noted that the third-party facilitating company, Bellimissa Holdings, seemed to exist only on paper, while the GSL claimed the deal was handled directly in between the two states. Athas published comprehensive information on the transaction, even reprinting the letter of credit issued by a GSL-owned bank for the planes.&#8221

Ambassador Blake telephoned Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa on August 24 and told him the U.S. was concerned about Athas&#8217s security and that it would be bad for Sri Lanka if something have been to take place to such a prominent columnist.

&#8220Gothabaya mentioned &#8216Iqbal need to not worry&#8230 there ought to not be any dilemma at all.&#8217 He noted that other journalists had written much more damning articles and survived.&#8221 Blake further wrote.

Placing a comment ambassador Blake wrote &#8220The GSL&#8217s proffered explanation for the withdrawal of Athas&#8217s safety &#8212 that it was carried out right after a routine assessment showed no further threat to him &#8212 will not bear scrutiny. Clearly the articles have struck a raw nerve. The Government is specifically sensitive to criticism in the Sinhala papers well-liked among its nationalist help base. Embassy believes that international interventions, coupled with the glare of publicity surrounding the case, will probably afford Athas and his family members some measure of protection. Athas is a extended-time Embassy get in touch with. We have been in continuous touch with Athas because his predicament became precarious and are prepared to intervene once more on an urgent basis if essential.&#8221

Study the cable beneath for additional information

DE RUEHLM #1187/01 2421231
O 301231Z AUG 07



Department FOR SCA/INS

E.O. 12958: N/A


¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Defense Correspondent Iqbal Athas is
preparing to temporarily leave Sri Lanka with his household
following a barrage of threats and intimidation apparently
orchestrated by the Government of Sri Lanka (GSL). On August
12, he wrote an post for the Sunday Times about the
Ukrainian Government&#8217s inquiry into &#8220irregularities&#8221 in the
sale of 4 MIG-27 aircraft to Sri Lanka. On August 14, a
Sinhala version of the report was published in a regional
paper. The next day, the government withdrew Athas&#8217s
safety detail. Since then, demonstrators have gathered to
protest in front of his property, a man claiming to be a retired
Air Force officer threatened to kill his translator, and he
has received warnings that he may be kidnapped and questioned
about his sources. Athas&#8217s predicament has received comprehensive
coverage in each local and international media. 1 of
Athas&#8217s employers, CNN, and the Committee to Shield
Journalists (CPJ) have championed his case. Ambassador Blake
telephoned the Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa on
August 24 and told him that it would be undesirable for Sri Lanka if
anything were to occur to Athas. Embassy believes the
widespread publicity this case has received, and its personal
efforts, will give some measure of protection to Athas and
his family members. Post will continue to keep in close touch with
Athas and intervene additional if needed. Finish Summary.

¶2. (U) Defense Correspondent Iqbal Athas is preparing to
temporarily leave Sri Lanka with his loved ones following a
barrage of threats and intimidation from the GSL. Athas
writes routinely for the Sunday Times, a neighborhood
English-language newspaper, and also often contributes
to CNN, Jane&#8217s Defense Weekly and the Instances of London. On
August 12, he wrote an report for the Sunday Instances about the
Ukrainian Government&#8217s inquiry into &#8220irregularities&#8221 in the
sale of 4 MIG-27 aircraft to Sri Lanka. In his article, he
noted that the third-party facilitating business, Bellimissa
Holdings, seemed to exist only on paper, while the GSL
claimed the deal was handled straight between the two states.
Athas published extensive specifics on the transaction, even
reprinting the letter of credit issued by a GSL-owned bank
for the planes.

Government Harassment and Intimidation Mount

¶3. (SBU) On August 14, a translation of the post
appeared in the biggest-circulation Sinhala language
newspaper, owned by the exact same firm as the Sunday Times and
Everyday Mirror and normally sympathetic to the opposition.
The subsequent day, Athas&#8217s safety detail was withdrawn by the
Government. (Note: Athas has had a government-offered
security detail for several years simply because of threats against
him stemming from articles critical of former President
Kumaratunga&#8217s government.) On August 18, the police guard
stationed at his property outside of Colombo was also withdrawn.
Athas claims that these actions were taken on the explicit
instructions of Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa.

¶4. (SBU) On August 26, an post appeared in a Sinhala
paper distributed in the Colombo suburb where Athas lives,
which accused Athas of becoming an LTTE agent who has betrayed
crucial national security details. On August 27,
demonstrators, like a local politician of the governing
Sri Lanka Freedom Party, gathered to protest in front of
Athas&#8217s property. According to Athas, a man claiming to be a
retired Air Force officer entered the workplace of the Sunday
Instances&#8217 publisher the same day, sought out the
English-to-Sinhala translator, and, in a private
conversation, threatened him with death if he continued to
translate Athas&#8217s articles. He also reportedly stated Athas

COLOMBO 00001187 002 OF 002

himself would be killed if he did not quit writing and leave
the nation inside 90 days. The translator, nonetheless, has
because recanted his story, saying that the man did not
threaten him, but merely wanted to discuss the translation of
a book he was operating on. Athas also reports that he has
been followed by males on motor bikes and that suspicious
individuals have been hovering about his home. He has received
warnings from his sources that he might be kidnapped and
questioned about how he obtains his info.

Concerned Parties Attempt to Intercede

¶5. (SBU) Athas&#8217s predicament has received substantial coverage
in both local and international media. CNN is reportedly
thinking about contacting President Rajapaksa on his behalf.
The Committee to Defend Journalists has already sent a
strongly-worded letter to the President, which has received
broad dissemination on the Web. The Sri Lankan Free of charge
Media Movement issued a statement condemning the withdrawal
of Athas&#8217s safety. Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe
warned at a press conference that if Athas was harmed, the
Government would be held accountable.

¶6. (SBU) Ambassador Blake telephoned Defense Secretary
Gothabaya Rajapaksa on August 24 and told him the U.S. was
concerned about Athas&#8217s safety and that it would be negative for
Sri Lanka if anything were to happen to such a prominent
columnist. Gothabaya stated &#8220Iqbal ought to not be concerned&#8230 there
need to not be any difficulty at all.&#8221 He noted that other
journalists had written more damning articles and survived.

¶7. (SBU) COMMENT: The GSL&#8217s proffered explanation for the
withdrawal of Athas&#8217s security &#8212 that it was carried out right after a
routine assessment showed no additional threat to him &#8212 will
not bear scrutiny. Clearly the articles have struck a raw
nerve. The Government is specifically sensitive to criticism
in the Sinhala papers well-known among its nationalist assistance
base. Embassy believes that international interventions,
coupled with the glare of publicity surrounding the case,
will probably afford Athas and his loved ones some measure of
protection. Athas is a extended-time Embassy get in touch with. We have
been in continuous touch with Athas since his scenario
became precarious and are prepared to intervene again on an
urgent basis if needed.

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MiG Deal: Rajapaksas Paid US$ ten Million To A Ghost Firm: “No Organization Named Bellimissa” – Interpol Confirmed

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