Category: Foreign Affairs

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Guarantee: Dopey two

Another consequence of the electoral system from which we now suffer is that simple name recognition is generally enough to ensure election. Frequently voters, possessing chosen the candidate from their constituency, use their other two preferences on these whose names they know. Naturally posters place up all over the electoral catchment area support in obtaining one’s name identified, but there are other simpler factors as well for some men and women to get votes. So film or sports stars do quite well at elections, as do these who receive publicity for other factors, by way of eccentric behavior, or even by being jailed, as occurred with a fairly unknown character from the opposition in the 2010 Basic Election.

And of course if one’s father or mother or brother or uncle is already an established politician, then 1 is more probably to choose up the loose preferences of a big quantity of the voters. In short, the kids of well identified politicians start with a built in advantage. Contrariwise, in the previous, when candidates had been selected for distinct electorates, they had to establish themselves in that location, as people with some connection with the constituency they wanted to represent. Now however they merely have to command patronage in order to get their names on the electoral lists. So in recent years there have been escalating numbers of children standing for election, and several of them have completed really properly. Whereas Mahinda Rajapaksa had to prove that he was the most capable of his siblings to step into his father’s seat, and whereas he lost elections under the 1st previous the post program and was not in Parliament for several years, Namal had no difficulty in acquiring nomination for the Hambantota District, and in topping the list there on preferences at the election. And he will certainly be in a position to get enough preferences in any future election to keep in Parliament, even if the SLFP becomes much less popular in the District than yet another celebration.

Namal then is here to stay, and with the passing of the 18^th Amendment to the Constitution that removed term limits, his father would naturally be capable to keep on as President, or to be precise as the Presidential candidate of his celebration, till Namal have been prepared to take his place. This was of course understood by other members of Parliament, and many saw friendship with Namal as their route to political advancement. Sensibly, Mahinda Rajapaksa did not give Namal a ministerial position, though this as well had adverse consequences, since it meant he did not give any new entrant to parliament executive workplace (the only exception initially being the former LTTE military wing leader, Karuna, whose support had been invaluable in dealing with his intransigent former comrades, right after he left the LTTE when it was clear they have been not interested in a negotiated solution).

So the President had to leave out folks of verified ability since, had he appointed them, the stress from sycophants to promote Namal, which had in any case arisen, would have been irresistible – and Namal too would have had stronger claims to a position. Certainly, when the President 1st gave Deputy Minister positions to new entrants, he gave a couple to those who had carried out ideal in their Districts, which would facilitate Namal’s appointment at the subsequent reshuffle – or rather, at the subsequent accession of Ministers, considering that in Sri Lanka no one is left out when modifications are produced.

But there were other methods to provide Namal with the possibilities for patronage for which ordinary politicians needed executive workplace. He headed a youth movement known as Tharunayata Hetak, a Future for the Young, which engaged in a variety of activities that brought him prestige and publicity. He was invited to preside over ceremonial occasions, and offered credit for what was carried out. And when the government settled folks from the south in some regions in the North, he even had a new village named right after him, Namalgama.

The forces indeed gave him considerably prominence. He had to be present when former LTTE cadres were released soon after rehabilitation. I came across a single specifically sad example of the unnecessary difficulties caused by this rage for recognition – or possibly the rage to bestow recognition, given that Namal probably would not have minded if he had not been invited to all such occasions – with regard to the restoration to their owners of some boutiques in Kilinochchi which the army had occupied. I was asked about these at a Reconciliation meeting, and I suggested the neighborhood organization that raised the question meet the Civil Affairs Office of the military, and find out what was planned. I often noted that the military had a proper to take over lands if important, but they had to make sure that this was indeed important, and that owners were properly compensated.

The officer who came to the meeting promised to look into the matter, but as we went out he mentioned they had already decided to give back the boutiques. When I asked why this had not been carried out, he stated that they had been waiting for Namal to be present to restore the deeds at a formal ceremony. This struck me as ridiculous, since it caused unnecessary suffering to the owners, and in any case it was the army that required to win hearts and minds, not politicians from the south. But the system of sycophancy rather than practicality was also effectively entrenched for my argument to have any effect, even even though the officer concerned understood the point.

Underlying the promotion of Namal by the forces was his association with Gotabaya who, without any obvious ambitions of his personal as it seemed early on, clearly far preferred Namal to Basil as the putative heir apparent. Although he by no means evinced, and most likely did not feel, hostility towards Basil, he produced no bones about his commitment to Namal, and the forces accordingly pushed the latter forward.

What appears to have been Gotabaya’s indulgence of Namal contributed to the erosion of the reputation he had previously enjoyed for honesty. In 2011, when it became clear that the Ministry of External Affairs was dysfunctional, the President took the choice to appoint what he termed Monitoring Members of Parliament to a handful of Ministries, to overlook their perform. This was an outrageous thought, due to the fact it suggested that Members of Parliament must in effect supervise the perform of Ministers, but in fact it was applied to quite handful of Ministries, and in most of them the Monitoring Member did extremely tiny. The exception was External Affairs, where Sajin Vass Gunawardena, confidante of both Namal and the President, constructed an empire for himself, but certainly there were special circumstances there.

Certainly the strategy seemed to have been made only for that Ministry but, possibly since that may have looked inordinately absurd, it was produced slightly much less so by being extended to a few other people. Later the President claimed that he had asked Members of Parliament to apply for these positions, but that was not the case, and the honour, such as it was, had been extended to just half a dozen of the new MPs.

Amongst these, apart from Sajin, the most prominent had been two really close pals of Namal, who were appointed as Monitoring Members for the Ministry of Defence. A single was Uditha Lokubandara, who was almost as young as Namal, and was the son of the former UNP Minister and Speaker, who had in impact supported Mahinda Rajapaksa right after he became President, and had been appointed as Governor of Sabaragamuwa Province right after the 2010 election.

Uditha was an enthusiastic young man, who did not present any problems. Nor maybe did the other Monitoring Member, offered the tight hold Gotabaya had on his Ministry. But this was Duminda Silva, who was alleged to be involved in drug dealing. Regardless of whether or not this was accurate, it did not redound to Gotabaya’s credit, which had previously been unsullied with regard to shady activities.

Matters became worse when Duminda, who had come over to the government from the UNP, was involved in a shootout in the course of a local election with a long standing SLFP politician, Bharatha Premachandra, for the causes of electoral rivalry recorded above. The latter died, and Duminda received a wound to the head which necessary protracted therapy, and seemed to have resulted in some sort of brain harm.

Gotabaya had rushed to hospital when Duminda was taken there, which might just have been standard decency for somebody supposedly involved with his Ministry, but it highlighted the association and led to speculation about the exact nature of the connection. Provided the extent of the fortune the Silva household commanded, which integrated also a media empire, it was naturally assumed that the Rajapaksa regime had benefited from their largesse. But to find it connected closely to the Secretary of Defence was a surprise that for the first time raised doubts about Gotabaya’s commitment to the ideals he professed.

This was especially ironic, given that he had recently launched a forceful campaign against drug dealers, and certainly Mervyn Silva, a maverick member of Parliament who was a single of Basil’s chief supporters in the Gampaha District, was reported to have been amongst these whose activities was below suspicion. Since frequent parlance had it that his associates had been distinct from these of Duminda Silva, the public revelation of Gotabaya’s closeness to the latter was specially worrying.

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Namal meanwhile, provided the need for aspiring politicians to have access to huge amounts of funds for the electoral motives detailed above, was actively involved in company. He had set up a media organization known as the Carlton Sports Network, Carlton becoming the name of one particular of the loved ones homes in the south, and this quickly obtained a monopoly on the telecasting of well-liked sports programmes. The income the network could make from marketing were of course colossal.

Namal was also capable to command sponsorship for any activities he undertook. He had a penchant for quickly vehicles, so he set up an annual car race in Colombo for which sandbags had to be set up to permit for daredevil motorists, at least those capable to drive high-priced racing automobiles, to profession around. Early on in his parliamentary career, he arranged a enormous tamasha in this regard for which popular Indian film stars came down.

Initially this gave his profession an impetus, especially when some of the stars participated in programmes for former LTTE cadres getting rehabilitated. But as time passed, these events seemed quite a lot the preserve of privileged youngsters, and served to alienate him from the vast majority of Sri Lankan youngsters. Therefore Sri Lanka seemed to be playing out the tragedy of some a lot of other third planet nations, exactly where the scions of potent and apparently unassailably entrenched political families, such as Gaddafi’s young children, whose amusements were distinctly international in orientation, held unchallenged sway. And regrettably for the President, this was the much more marked since Sri Lanka had not suffered from such excesses ahead of. Dudley Senanayake had been a thorough and quite basic gentleman, so his father’s indulgence had triggered no issues, while he himself was unmarried and had no young children Jayewardene’s son had been fairly old when his father lastly came to power, and each Bandaranaikes as effectively as Premadasa had maintained discipline amongst their youngsters and not provided them political prominence.

As time passed, Namal’s company activities also took on distinct types. When in 2013 a scandal broke about a strategy for the Packer dynasty to set up a casino in Colombo, initially the assumption was that this was yet an additional of Basil’s enterprise offers, in terms of what he saw as priorities for financial improvement. But Basil was vital of the enterprise, and it was then rumoured that it was Namal who had established connections with James Packer. Definitely he felt himself entitled to negotiate about investment possibilities, with both neighborhood and foreign businessmen, and the rumours spread that all offers involved substantial commissions.

By Laksiri Fernando –

Dr. Laksiri Fernando

It seems that the Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, is openly taking inspiration from ‘terrorism.’ He at least defends his actions on the basis of terrorists. According to the lead story of ‘The Island’ newspaper yesterday (15 December 2014), reported by Shamindra Fernando, he has stated, “If terrorists can enter politics, why not forces personnel?”  

This is a dangerous trend. If the same logic is extended to human rights violations or war crimes, he can argue, ‘If terrorists can do such and such issues, why not forces personnel?” The citizens of Sri Lanka (such as myself) would like to know whether or not this is just an argument or whether this is the way he has been acting and intends to act.

He has employed the terrorist title for the LTTE (rightly so), and for the JVP (correct for the past), and claimed the same entitlements for the armed forces personnel. I do hope that the professional soldiers and their officers/commanders completely disengage and distance themselves from this sort of thinking and stick to their ‘code of discipline’ totally free from partisan politics.

It was like cat out of the bag. The occasion for this revelation, as reported by ‘The Island,’ was as follows.

“The Maithripa la Sirisena’s Camp yesterday told the media that Defence Secretary Rajapaksa was utilizing Urban Improvement Authority (UDA) in President Rajapaksa’s campaign. Addressing the media, Opposition spokesman attorney-at-law Shiral Lakthilaka alleged that the UDA was operating digital screens in Colombo 24 hours a day to promote President Rajapaksa. Lakthilaka stated that the Opposition had a list of serving military personnel campaigning for the incumbent president.”

Not Denied

Let me take the most significant matter 1st, with my emphasis in the above quote. Defence Secretary has not denied the accusation that “serving military personnel campaigning for the incumbent president.” What he has mentioned is the following.

“The vast majority of military would help the government simply because whatever the allegations, no one particular could deprive President Rajapaksa of giving political leadership to the effective war effort.”

Of course he has not admitted the accusation straight either. What he has clearly admitted is the use of “retired military personnel in President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign,” according to the report. He has defended that ‘use,’ citing the example of Sarath Fonseka.

Even so he has gone some distance to prove that Fonseka entered politics whilst he was in workplace which clearly gives the indication that he most almost certainly using serving officers or the military for the election campaign. Two examples that he has given are the resignation letter of Fonseka as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) to the President, and his consultation with the JVP in late 2009 when he was in the US, nevertheless holding the CDS position.

I was 1 (among other individuals) who criticised Sarath Fonseka’s entry into politics at that juncture as a wrong precedence and also as a major military danger. That was 1 explanation why I supported Mahinda Rajapaksa at that election. Even so, 1 wrong does not make one more wrong (in this case a larger a single) excusable. Similarly, I have also criticised the retired judges getting into into politics, whatever the causes. There is no doubt that those who supported or promoted Fonseka at that election was imprudent whatever the discrimination or harassment that he had undergone beneath Rajapaksas. It is not private hatred or judgements that must govern our positions, but great governance and democratic principles.

Present Dangers

It is on record that many retired military and police officers have entered active politics. If it is just one or two, that could be ignored. Even so, when there is a trend or a horde, then that is alarming. If folks enter into politics from sectors exactly where independence is needed, then these persons’ independence for the duration of the service become questionable.

I bear in mind an ASP’s name allegedly implicated in repression in Jaffna in early 1981 when I visited there on a reality finding mission. Then he became a DIG and later entered politics.

Politicization of the armed forces (or police) is one particular of the key dangers of any society. That cannot be excused by referring to terrorism or taking the example of terrorism. Civilized globe anticipate various norms and behaviour from security forces to that of terrorists. The argument that “If terrorists can enter politics, why not forces personnel?” is undoubtedly a strange and an abhorrent argument. All professional soldiers and the officers need to reject the equation of the armed forces to terrorists.

It is very clear that the Defence Secretary is using (some) forces personnel for his brother’s election campaign. He is also performing this as a ‘civil servant’ and as a Secretary of a Ministry. This is a extremely clear violation of election laws and ‘free and fair elections.’ One particular proof of this violation is his utterances themselves and the press interview that he has offered to ‘The Island.’ He has currently admitted the violation.

For the opposition accusation that “Defence Secretary Rajapaksa was using Urban Development Authority (UDA) in President Rajapaksa’s campaign” and “operating digital screens in Colombo 24 hours a day to market President Rajapaksa,” he has admitted the use of the screens but has stated “those ads didn’t carry images of him or the President.”

The problem in Sri Lanka below the Executive Presidential Constitution is that not only the President is immune (with impunity) of any wrong performing, but his brothers also think and claim that they have immunity with impunity.

By Ruvan Weerasinghe –

Dr. Ruvan Weerasinghe

So we come to however another time of electioneering where politicians run a circus to amuse the rest of us. And, to a huge extent we oblige, exchanging cartoons and videos through social media and even reading posters and cutouts smiling down on us from giant hoardings.

Nearly specifically 5 years ago, I had to lead a team from the University of Colombo College of Computing to help the Elections Commissioner in the final processing of results. As has been accomplished at all Presidential and Basic Elections considering that 1982, our group ensured that an error-free of charge processing was carried out in the course of that election as well. Nevertheless, most readers would bear in mind that specific election for the new term coined by an opposition politician, namely the pc jilmart, which was alleged to have taken spot to make the incumbent win. In hindsight, this was completely understandable owing to the heightened expectations of the opposition at the time. It was nevertheless distressing to our group, since it marked the very first occasion for aspersions getting cast not just on our competency (which of course is crucial to us), but more crucially also our independence. Although the independence of universities even given that then has eroded, the University of Colombo College of Computing has in all its dealings at least with the Elections been fiercely holding on to our reputation of neutrality. Those who are even indirectly involved in politicking are not welcome on the group assisting the Elections Commissioner.

How then can we clarify the ‘computer jilmart’ phenomenon, or the scenario that prompted it – an apparently inexplicable defeat of a well-known opposition candidate? Elsewhere I’ve written about the focus of the two campaigns – a single on these aspects considerably far more standard and reduce down on Maslow’s hierarchy of wants, and the other on problems considerably higher on that scale such as the freedom of speech, anti-corruption and the rule of law. Here I wish to focus on one thing significantly much more fundamental, and effortless to comprehend: the whole election method.

It is our extremely own honorary citizen Sir Arthur C. Clarke who famously stated that any sufficiently advanced technologies is indistinguishable from magic. It is also in the human psyche to attribute things that are inexplicable to a pretty surface level logic, to that identical ‘magic’. Offered these two, it is not rocket science that enabled the esteemed opposition politician to conclude that the election loss, which so defied the logic of what occurred on election day (fairly peaceful if my memory serves me), was due to the magic of technologies.

5 years on, most severe observers are clear that the election of 2010 was not won or lost on Election Day – just as this one particular wouldn’t be. Rather, it is to do with a program that is doomed to have a common outcome that hugely favours any incumbent. Even though at the outset, incumbents (initially Prime Ministers sans the executive powers of the President of the 1978 Constitution) have been not prone to blatant exploitation of a constitution that didn’t call for them to step down prior to elections, the powers of the executive presidential system tends to make the population have to depend solely on the magnanimity of an incumbent in order to enable the utopic cost-free and fair election to be held. This is hardly a hope that a hapless voter can hold on to specially at a Presidential Election. Its effects even so will also frequently spill over to Parliamentary Elections as we have witnessed in the past. What is even a lot more depressing nevertheless, is that nowadays, they even reach down to Provincial and Local Government levels.

The Treasury is reported to have already released a preliminary estimate that the coming Presidential Elections will cost the government some Rs ten.five billion – of which just Rs two.five billion is for the Elections Commission. This is with out taking into account the huge magnitude of the private funds that the country will commit on this election, in a context exactly where the ordinary voter is challenging pressed to eek out an existence amidst an escalating cost of living.

Far as well few efforts have gone into enumerating the several and often ingenious techniques in which a common incumbent utilizes their position of energy during election time to use the state machinery for unfair advantage. This is celebration owing the difficulty in acquiring correct details and partly owing to fear of over stepping the mark assigned to the media. Considerably of it is also in English rather than Sinhala or Tamil, which an incumbent can tolerate, with the sole exception of social media channels. The unfortunate reality is that social media information is often construed to only be partially true and far more typically exaggeration and not really precise.

Far more lately however, some of these hidden modes of operation have begun to be seen by the public, typically owing to over-enthusiastic politicians wanting to hit the radar of the incumbent himself. Although expenses of a helicopter ride for political motives can not be readily identified by the public, a rally of heavy-duty SUVs or higher-powered motorbikes is a much far more identifiable misuse of public property for political gain. People are also becoming far more conscious of the expenses of huge posters and cutouts than ahead of, because these have turn into commonplace now.

Nevertheless, behind these sorts goofs that some crass supporters make, come ever a lot more sophisticated and subtle methods of abuse that is below the public radar. Even right now, the news and data channels most widely accessible to the majority constitute of these nearly solely under an incumbent administration. Whether Tv, Radio or Newspaper, these project nearly solely a single view, with even the mildly critical views getting zero airtime/space. Even the most obvious of ‘gimmicks’ such as short-term price reductions certainly are profitable in communicating subliminal messages to an economically challenged populace. The shameless purchase of opposition MPs and coercion of own MPs with threats of disclosure are each largely beneath the table dealings that an incumbent is properly placed to exploit. ‘Progress review’ of ministries with the incumbent are yet another subtle subversion of the program, often exercised utilizing the reputable powers of Secretaries of Ministries. These are even better guised, since they are named by these CEOs of the respective Ministries, who have the energy to take action against those who do not comply. Owing to the level of executive powers vested in any incumbent, and their rising tendency to use all at their disposal, the bureaucracy is typically compelled to comply or jeopardize their careers. We require to salute the extremely couple of independent folks who created that ultimate sacrifice of relinquishing their public office or becoming demoted or transferred on account of valiantly attempting to remain neutral. Some of them, such as CJ43 are respected and could even be reinstated some day, although other individuals in much reduce positions, such as Government Servants or Police Officers, will never ever be really identified or recognized.

So, what hope is there for a non-incumbent to win an election? Really small, in the new dynamics of absolute energy and sophisticated concealment. If an opponent can only match an incumbent in terms of issues facing the country, he is almost doomed to drop – he has to far surpass the incumbent in order to come anywhere near his 50% objective. Almost any campaign that is fought fairly on troubles, is bound to be won by the incumbent owing to the motives above, as well as to the basic fear of the unknown of the masses. Enfranchised Sri Lankan society initially had pretty quick memories and kept electing alternate parties to energy till 1977. Since then even so, the pattern has changed drastically. It is not to do with longer memories that we have been abruptly bestowed with, but rather the physical exercise of the improved executive power by the incumbent, which renders it nearly self-destructive not to use such power during elections. If we place ourselves in the shoes of an incumbent, would we have what it takes to defy all our advisors and supporters and desist from using the powers that we legitimately enjoy under the constitution that we govern below? I like to recommend that the answer is yes, if we have a larger sense of accountability than the letter of the law. However, that kind of magnanimity would be rare not just in Sri Lanka, but also in much (if not all) of the building globe.

What does all this mean to us at this election? Please, please, don’t wait for the election day, and then get in touch with foul – spelt j-i-l-m-a-r-t in Sri Lanka now. The jilmart happens ahead of the election, as it has happened in increasingly far more sophisticated techniques ever because the executive presidency started in this country. It is embedded in the constitution, it powers the campaign of an incumbent, it is in the valiant and disproportionate efforts of opportunistic junior (and even much more disappointingly inept senior) politicians, it is in the thousands of squandered man-hours of disempowered public officials, it is surprisingly in the prospering organization neighborhood benefiting from direct and indirect cronyism (in the name of ‘stability’) and it is in the voices of the destitute who’s only hope is to hang on to meager handouts already received, in the hope for more in the future.

Does this imply that a alter of regime would solve this difficulty? Clearly not! Whilst successive Executive President’s have misused their powers to differing extents, it is clear that none have been in a position to be entirely magnanimous in desisting the use of their legally bestowed powers. This is why, the only way out of this cycle – or rather, this downward spiral, is to get rid of the inordinate powers vested in any future President. The present incumbent, far more than any other could have carried out it with the huge majority he had in Parliament. Most would argue that these powers had been required for wartime, even though some would dispute that too. Some would go onto argue that such powers are needed for fast financial improvement, even though most would dispute that. This argument nonetheless hinges on the emergence of a so-referred to as benevolent dictator which by now even the most optimistic Sri Lankan need to relegate to wishful pondering. There is almost certainly more sense in waiting for Godot. In such a context, it seems that there is no other choice in this post-war era in Sri Lanka, but to change the executive presidential method by whoever wins the election on January 8^th.

No matter whether the incumbent wins, or the challenger is productive, we as citizens of this nation, need to have to make it clear in no uncertain terms that we have had sufficient of this method, and demand that our voices be brought to bear on any future Sri Lankan government. The vote on the eight^th of January is not so considerably to do with which of the major contenders are more worthy of our allegiance, but rather whether Sri Lankan society has come of age, to send a clear signal to whoever who wins, that we do not trust any individual with the absolute energy that the presidential program endows them. It is in the end no matter whether voters can give a clear message to whoever becomes President that their vote is for ushering in a new type of democracy primarily based on the principles of meritocracy rather than of cronyism.

Ruvan Weerasinghe – Former Director, University of Colombo School of Computing.

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By Muhammed Fazl –

Muhammed Fazl

“Do not try to demolish a false set of beliefs except soon after developing a appropriate set of beliefs [in the populace] – Imam Hassan Al-Banna

Rapid to distance from, does the 4 letters ‘ISIS’ really spell danger for the Muslims or for them to be apologists and be all defensive just at the mere mention of it? Although I am yet to understand the now-fashionable practice of Muslims getting answerable to or compromising their faith and religious practices to suit misguided adherents of distinct faiths, instead of contributing towards an unjust society of immorality and lawlessness, I think it is time the followers of Islam stood their ground and for the rest of the globe to begin understanding that which was revealed over 14 centuries ago.

Unlike most philosophies and rituals-only beliefs in present times, Islam getting a full supply of guidance and teaching a comprehensive set of laws, small wonder that it has turn out to be the quickest increasing and the most well-known religion in the world. A single could mythicize the sheer quantity as a outcome of ‘conversion by the sword’, but would it be remotely feasible for a religion of peace to be spread by the sword?

History has taught us that non-Muslims living below Islamic rule have been constantly treated with respect. When Muslims ruled Spain for over 800 years, the non-Muslims living there flourished. When India was below Muslim rule for about a thousand years, had it been ruled by the sword, there wouldn’t be 85% non-Muslim population nowadays either. No Muslim army has ever invaded Indonesia (exactly where it now has the biggest Muslim population in the globe) or the Muslim majority Malaysia. Likewise, no Muslim army was ever sent to the East Coast of Africa either.

In reality, the religion of peace spread significantly faster for the duration of periods of peace than for the duration of times of wars.  An report which appeared in Reader’s Digest Yearbook of 1986 provides the statistics of the boost of the percentage of the significant religions which indicated the Muslim population escalating by 235% although Christianity improved by 47% throughout a ‘no Islamic conquest’ period between 1934 and 1984. Even although Islam continued to spread when Muslims have been not prevailing economically, socially or politically, it is an irrefutable reality that it was the force of truth, purpose and logic that was accountable for the rise as seen nowadays. Even though there is an indication of particular periods where Muslim rulers have been intolerant of other faiths and its adherents, it was indeed due to a deviation from Islamic principles rather than getting in conformity with the edicts of Holy Quran or the traditions of the Prophet of Islam.

Societal Collapse

Ranked 9th amongst the prime ten countries in the globe for the highest cases of rape, ranked 4th highest for circumstances of suicides, ranked as the 4th largest boozing nation in the globe and the intended casino paradise and that which comes along the side business of prostitution, would this be the trend in retailer for the future generation of this country?

Falsely portrayed as secular to the unsuspecting, successive governments have all played the Sinhala Buddhist card all along to stay in energy, often resulting in devastating consequences specifically for the minorities. Getting learned a tiny late to be secure than sorry, current communal/racist attacks seems to have taught minority communities not to be reliant on the Sinhalese dominated security forces for protection. Deep-rooted racist mentalities of the legislators in the parliament appears to be of no consolation either for the minorities, either due to absence of equal opportunities or due to failures on the component of the state to re-distribute wealth equally.

While the Mahanayakes of the 4 Chapters appears to be dozing off in their luxurious enclaves when the country situation is in tatters, the Catholic high priests seems to be excited only with the arrival of the Pope although paying scant regard to the ploy of President Rajapaksa (MR) who shortened the campaign period of the opposition parties and for employing the Pope’s pay a visit to as an excuse. The ‘pedophiles-shielding’ pseudo men of faith they are, they ought to have postponed the go to being aware of quite effectively the harm that could befall the country if MR is permitted yet another term.

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) or the Hindu clergy seems to be carrying out no favors to the nation either with their activities restricted to matters concerning only their community and or the Northern Peninsula. The opportunists they are, leadership of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC) and the ‘Muslim’ members of parliament representing the Rajapaksa government are performing no much better either and it seems they are interested only in private monetary gains and plump positions, hence playing in to the hands of MR by dividing the Muslim neighborhood and their voter base.

In a nation exactly where its own adherent spend lip service to its teachings or donate only loose alter to their places of worship for its upkeep, I question the wisdom behind governments providing a ‘foremost’ position to Buddhism. Not too long ago Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa claimed to have donated 30 million of public cash for producing cosmetic adjustments to a temple belonging to a politically allied monk. That is well and fine. But as a Muslim, my point of contention right here is, WHY Should Muslims contribute towards extravagant tamashas associated with a different religion? If sustaining areas of worship is the responsibility of the state, I think funds ought to be allocated proportionately taking in to account the population percentage of all communities. Believing tax collected by the state should be spent accordingly, would it also be wise to spend corporate and individual taxes understanding nicely that it would be utilized to fund a lavish life style of a corrupt couple of? In this situation and with prevalent marginalization of minorities, would the lower-end segment of the minority communities get their fair share of state advantages as nicely?

When politicians are getting traded often among political parties for selfish gains and or with minimum educational qualifications or integrity, would it also be sensible for the self-respecting type or the victimized to seek fairness or justice from the current system when one’s rights are infringed upon? Corrupt to the core, public money being swindled, the judiciary made insignificant and lawlessness reigning, does it not arise the require for the nation to adopt an option supply of governance?

Serendipity In Serendib

Stressing after once again my belief that Democracy in Sri Lanka has been a failure, and where popularity reigns more than competence and exactly where might is correct, it has turn out to be imperative for rules to be changed because ‘demography’ also appears to have changed. Getting been inspired by the wonderful thinker Seyyed Qutb who after mentioned “It is impossible for life to not have an effect on faith, or for faith to have a separate existence away from life”, I think all Muslims (Moor, Malays, Bohras, Memons) living in Sri Lanka should come below one particular Imam (Caliph to be precise) towards fulfilling their purpose of creation and for establishing social justice inside the community if not in the nation.

Likewise, I think the Buddhist, Hindu and the Christian communities too must come beneath one particular priest or leader, guiding their faithful and making a sense of unity at least inside their communities. Ought to there be a conflict among communities of diverse faiths, there need to be an atmosphere where respected and discovered leaders of respective communities coming with each other and resolving matters in a peaceful and an amicable manner. It is said that all religions teaches us very good items in life and the reality that there is constantly a resolution for every man-produced complication. So why not appoint 1 respected spiritual/religious leader to represent each religious neighborhood?

Representing the Islamic faith and neighborhood in Sri Lanka, I think Muslims ought to be taught, guided and ruled by (exactly where it is feasible) Islamic teachings and laws. Whilst there is no need to have for no alarm bells to ring in the minds of the non-Muslim population, the Islamic technique should be aggressively pursued as the ideal alternative in producing a society with excellent moral values, truthful organization practices and an impartial justice program among other folks. To set the ball rolling, I sincerely hope the following will get the attention of religious leaders in the Muslim community,

1. Family disputes, marital discord etc. to be taken to a local Muslim Qazi (judge) and for it to be resolved based on the teachings of Islam, either voluntarily or when reported by a 3^rd party.

two. Vigilante squads to be set up to monitor clothing attire and crackdown on indecent and revealing clothes worn in public by Muslims.

3. If Halal certifications cannot be enforced publicly, all meals merchandise manufactures/importers should give assurances to a Muslim Halal regulatory physique (in private at least) of adhering to Halal requirements and give access to confirm the approach when necessary.

four. Irrespective of what college they attend, private or otherwise, Muslim, Buddhist or Christian, making positive that each and every Muslim girl who attains the age of puberty is permitted to put on clothing in conformance to the teachings of Islam.

5. Monetary disputes to be settled first in the presence of a Muslim Qazi, hence safeguarding the respect of all parties concerned. The present Roman Dutch law method usually takes years for any type of justice to be meted out and it will also be a burden if each and every dispute is to be addressed in the present day over-crowded courts of law.

6. Apart from the regular corporate/personal taxes paid to the government, all Zakath money (obligatory annual charity tax of two.five% of all earnings/assets) to be pooled in to 1 fund and distributed to a list of deserving poor recipients. Even though each and every donor can nominate names of recipients, the Zakath Committee need to have the final say in the redistribution of wealth.

7. Law enforcement units or civil defense forces within the community to be created in every single town in partnership with the state law-enforcement authorities. Even though this might minimize the burden on the country’s Police Department, in the event of clashes, the Muslim neighborhood will be in a much better position to keep peace and since they are typically the ‘lamb to the slaughter’.

8. To establish enforcement teams to assure that each youngster receives education up to a secondary level and that no kid from no neighborhood is employed in any sector if they are below the age of 16.

9. Religious education ought to be made compulsory for all Muslim children, be it at a secular college or afterwards in a seminary/mosque/institute.

10. Establish a monitoring committee to avert fanaticism or violent radicalism taking roots in the minds of the Muslim youths.

Even though the list is also long to be written here, it must be pointed out that terrorists and criminals are developed and by no means born. Although it is no secret that particular violent Sinhalese Buddhist movements like the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) have aligned themselves with the regime of President Rajapaksa and is fuelling an inevitable human disaster, as a counter measure, the rise of a violent Islamic movement and in the lines of the ISIS of Babylonia cannot be discounted in the occasion President Rajapaksa is allowed an additional term. On the other hand, the ‘unknown angels’ they are, Mr. Maithripala Sirisena and Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to have impeccable credentials and honesty in their respective political careers and I think minorities, specially the Muslims and Tamils should reject the ‘known devil (MR) for great.

January 08, 2015, just perhaps the day that determines the nation heralding a prosperous and a just society or the day the nation reverts to an anarchist and a lawless 1. Either case, the get in touch with for the establishment of  a borderless Islamic State for the Muslims seems to be louder than ever now, and believing it would be in the best interests of detractors, specially the pseudo ‘Muslim’ politicians to stay out of the way when establishing divine laws of God, the following verse just happened to cross my thoughts,

“Permission [to fight] has been given to those who are becoming fought, simply because they were wronged. And certainly, Allah is competent to give them victory” – 22:39 Al-Quran.

*The writer is an independent social/political activist and can be contacted on [email protected] and through FB (Fazl Muhammed Nizar) 

By P.Bertie Ranaweerage –

Bertie Ranaweerage

I was sacked by the UNP government whose Minister of Education was Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, for providing leadership to  the teacher trainees in Teacher Training colleges in the basic strike in 1980. For over three years I had to undergo a plenty of hardships. Some fifty strikers committed suicide . I have by no means voted for the UNP  and never ever will. But I decided to create about Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, the leader of the UNP, not to attack him but to appreciate him.

All the good men and women of this nation had been browsing for a very good man or a woman as a widespread candidate to send MR and his cabal residence until Maitri’s wonderful renunciation. I also took element in that noble endeavour by quite a few techniques like writing to Colombo Telegraph from time to time. In truth I attempted to promote the former President CBK as she was for national reconciliation via power sharing. I knew quite properly, as several other individuals, that Ranil would not be in a position to defeat Mahinda as the UNP was thoroughly disorganized, demoralized and split. And it looked like at that time that Ranil was not interested in contesting the Presidential Election.

A lot of thought that Venerable Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera would contest the Presidential election against Mahinda as he had started a campaign against the executive presidential technique but numerous doubted his capability to defeat Mahinda. Becoming a Buddhist monk he was unlikely to be voted by non Buddhists  as effectively as the Tamils and the Muslims.

In the meantime our present day hero Ranil said that he would go to America to learn the latest trends in politics. President Mahinda sarcastically said that Ranil could  learn politics at Medamulana (President’s property) as an alternative of going to America to find out politics. In truth he had received an invitation from Massachusetts Institute of Technology to study on how to formulate a constitution sans an executive presidency whilst conducting lectures for students there on Asian regional troubles. He left for America at the starting of April this year and arrived back right after a period of 1 month. Quickly following his arrival in Sri Lanka he announced that he would contest the Presidential Election dampening all the hopes of those who have been campaigning for a common candidate who could win.

Ranil’s announcement was a fatal blow to the campaign of Sobhitha Thera and to all these who have been fighting for democracy, rule of law and good governance . We had been extremely much disappointed since we knew that Mahinda would win again and stay in energy for numerous years as Ranil was not a challenge to him. But a voice in me stated that it could be a ploy of Ranil to strengthen his celebration and rally his members around him .

Now we know that Ranil had not been critical in contesting the election though he publicly mentioned that he would. It proves beyond any doubt how politically matured he is and was. He knew far better than us that he would not be able to defeat Mahinda. In 2010 also he allowed the Basic to contest as his possibilities have been extremely really slim against Mahinda after the war victory. When we appear back we can see that Ranil was capable to strengthen the UNP to a particular extent following he expressed his intention to contest the Presidential election.

Ranil’s announcement was very good news for Mahinda and his cabal but they nevertheless doubted Ranil’s new stand due to two reasons. On 1 hand Venerable Sobhitha Thera was campaigning difficult to discover a typical candidate and on the other hand the UNP was split mostly into two groups, as  Ranil’s group and Sajith’s group. As the UNP was divided it was attainable, they believed, that Ranil would ultimately not contest. Now it is in the public domain that an agent of Mahinda and Company, Tiran Alles and Tissa Attanayake held secret talks behind Ranil’s back to unite Ranil and Sajith. It was not that they wanted to strengthen the UNP but to make certain Ranil’s candidacy against Mahinda at the future Presidential election. When Mr. Ravi Karunanayake MP, revealed that Tissa was holding secret talks with the government Tissa first denied it but later admitted. The conspiracy succeeded as Sajith was convinced that it would pave the way for Sajith to recognize his dream of becoming the leader of the UNP for Ranil would have to stand down and hand over the leadership to the next man in line after losing to Mahinda. Sajith came back to the celebration and accepted the deputy leadership and said he was  even prepared to sacrifice his life for the victory of Ranil at the Presidential election. Tissa Attanayake said he was so satisfied as he was in a position to unite the celebration through his tough work. ( It is the job of the UNP to launch an investigation instantly to find out  whether Tissa Attanayake had been a secret agent of Mahinda cabal during the last handful of years for, on the nomination day Tissa joined Mahinda providing significantly needed oxygen to Mahinda.)

Now let us turn to Ranil. As he was a shrewd individual he did not fall into the trap set by the conspirators. He knew quite well that he was not well-liked adequate among the voters to defeat Mahinda. By getting secret talks with Chandrika either to field her or another as the typical candidate Ranil has outmaneuvered all the plotters of his celebration and  the government. Ultimately he has not only defeated all the conspiracies to oust him from his leadership by some UNP leaders such as Sajith and Tissa Attanayake but also attempts of Mahinda to stay in power for an additional eight years. Some might say that it is as well early to predict the defeat of Mahinda as billions are spent on Mahinda’s campaign and seek blessings of gods not only of Sri Lanka  but also of India. I talked to numerous in different parts in the country over the telephone during the last two weeks. Almost all the educated men and women stated that a adjust was necessary and they would vote for Maithri.

Now millions of individuals are eagerly waiting for the dawn of new era after January 8 next year. In the occasion Ranil decided to challenge Mahinda as his main opponent at the forthcoming election, there is little doubt that the tiny democracy we still have, would be buried by Mahinda throughout his third term. Even although Ranil’s  uncle, JR Jayewardene&#8216s constitution and rule paved the way for the destruction of the country, Ranil did a great service to the country by his sacrifice and determined assistance to Maithri and agreeing to the road map of the Opposition for a far better tomorrow. Therefore I do not hesitate to name Mr. Ranil Wicremesinghe as the Man of the Year. I think tens of thousands of Sri Lankans would  agree with me.

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Promise: Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Seven Dwarfs – Grumpy five

I also suggested, as occurred in Pakistan, the establishment of ordinary schools by the military, or taking more than the management of existing schools in regions where the military had a presence. This had been crucial in Pakistan, exactly where the public education technique had been inadequate in rural regions where there have been military cantonments. The army had for that reason begun schools to cater to the kids of military personnel, and these had been then opened to the public too for a fee.

Sri Lanka however, getting had a good public education program, had not initially needed such establishments while, the nation becoming modest, military personnel had not normally had their households with them when they were stationed away from Colombo, given that standard visits were achievable. But although coordinating on behalf of Sabaragamuwa University the degree programme at the Sri Lanka Military Academy in Diyatalawa, I had noticed how a lot a lot more content material have been the officers whose wives and youngsters had been with them. This was attainable only when the kids were really young, since later on it was believed important that they be admitted to excellent schools in Colombo, provided the inadequacies of rural schools. But it struck me then that the SLMA could effortlessly take charge of one or two nearby schools in Diyatalawa, something I had certainly suggested for Sabaragamuwa University and the regional college in Belihuloya, since I saw how my academic colleagues suffered from possessing to send their youngsters to schools in bigger towns.

Offered the commitment of the much more sophisticated parents who would now be sending their kids to the local school, the normal of education there would boost, to the advantage too of the regional children. And the managing institution would make sure that vital subjects, such as English and Mathematics and Science, which have been grossly neglected in a lot of rural schools, would be properly taught.

Gotabaya

The Ministry of Defence had indeed taken more than 1 college soon after the war, but this was in Colombo. But my suggestion as to this and other initiatives was not taken up, with Gotabaya laconically telling me that he would have to face even far more criticism with regard to what was described as militarism. Later nonetheless, soon after a paper I developed for a Defence Seminar, he told me to go ahead, but I explained that I could do practically nothing, it was the Kotelawala Defence University and other military bodies that had to take the lead – though the KDU, offered its civilian agenda, was uniquely positioned to move in this matter with out criticism.

I did then take up the matter with the KDU but, probably because it had to work via civilian academics in many regions, there was hardly any progress on the matter. One particular Department did produce great concepts with regard to the coaching of health-related support staff, but that alone was not adequate, and quickly I was not in a position, having protested about what happened at Weliweriya, to pursue the thought. I was put off, albeit really politely, with regard to a paper I had been asked to prepare for a symposium, and the Commandant later indicated wryly that the Secretary had not been pleased about my signing the petition.

I knew this, simply because he had in truth called me up and shouted at me for obtaining, as he put it, signed one thing along with enemies of the government. He did grant that what had happened was incorrect, but his point was that I was obtaining involved with these who had been intrinsically opposed to the government. I did not believe this was the case, and indeed I had toned down the initial draft which had thrown the blame for the incident on him almost personally, but I could understand his irritation. But I was shocked and saddened that he should have embargoed my participation in seminars organized by the military, simply because these had been amongst the most constructive in the current past, in a context in which Sri Lanka had no actual think tanks.

Indeed, just soon after the incident at Weliweriya, ahead of I signed the protest, I had presented a paper at the recently established Officer Career Development Centre at Buttala, on the website of 1 of the Affiliated University Colleges exactly where, twenty years earlier, I had coordinated the English course. I had discovered the senior officers there as worried as I was about the reality that the army had opened fire on civilians. They as well recognized how undesirable this was for their reputation, due to the fact it would lend strength to these who claimed that the forces had targeted civilians deliberately in the war against the LTTE.

My continuing belief is that the senior officers nicely understood the guidelines of war and had worked in accordance with them throughout the war. Right after the war I had personal knowledge about how positive they were about the civilians they were in charge of. For instance, 1 of the toughest generals for the duration of the war, Kamal Guneratne, who was head of the Safety Forces in Vavuniya, and accountable for the Welfare Centre exactly where the displaced population had been housed, proved astonishingly liberal about releasing the vulnerable, even even though he was told that many security checks have been essential ahead of this could be accomplished. And as noted previously, when efforts have been created to delay the resettlement Basil Rajapaksa was attempting to expedite, the generals in the field ignored the order they had received to recheck civilians and sent them back to their locations of residence as rapidly as possible.

So too it was civilians with a pluralistic outlook whom they invited to their seminar discussions. At Buttala for instance they known as on members of the LLRC, who had been typically blacklisted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute for International Relations and Strategic Research, which was run by the Ministry of External Affairs. Serious discussion was impossible there, whereas at both Buttala and the KDU, and the Training Centre that one more quite bright general had set up at Kilinochchi, the former capital of the LTTE, open and frank discussion was encouraged.

It was tragic then that, as time passed, Gotabhaya seemed to harden and prevent his senior officers from developing, together with liberal civilians, programmes that would have promoted reconciliation. Provided both continuing security requirements, and the comparative efficiency of the military, there was no doubt that they necessary to remain active in the North. But techniques and means could have been found of avoiding a heavy handed strategy, and promoting civilian leadership which the military could support, rather than seeming to impose itself as an independent authority. The synergy that military coaching engendered within the forces appears to have been avoided with regard to the Tamil population of the North, and the impression that Gotabaya saw them as outsiders, not folks he ought to care about as equals, became entrenched.

***

That he held related views about the Muslims had also become clear. Certainly his presentation of himself as the champion of the chauvinists crystallized by way of his association with a group that targeted the Muslims. This was the Bodhu Bala Sena, the Buddhist Strike Force, which started in 2013 to engage in a vicious and violent campaign against Muslims.

Matters came to a head in this regard when, in June 2014, right after some preliminary skirmishes, they provoked violent action against Muslims in the Aluthgama location, at the southern end of the Western Province, with the police taking neither preventive nor restraining action. Both the President and Gotabaya had been out of the country at the time, which highlighted the absurdity of a situation in which the country had an octogenarian Prime Minister with out the capacity to feel or take choices.

There had been all sorts of conflicting stories about what had occurred, which includes the claim that Gotabaya had in truth ordered the police to make sure much better control, but this had been ignored. Undoubtedly the President behaved much better than his counterpart JR Jayewardene had done in 1983 when there was violence against Tamils. But the plain reality was that the BBS had been permitted to engage in provocative rhetoric and the police had completed practically nothing to stop the rioting that followed.

The President’s responses afterwards indicated that he was in a state of confusion, and was not becoming presented with the whole picture. Firstly he claimed that some Muslims were certainly trying to take up arms, which echoed each the claim by the safety establishment that there had been efforts to start off a jihadi movement in the nation and the assertion by the BBS leader that, because some Muslim politicians have been attempting to establish a Gaza strip in Sri Lanka, they would respond like the Israelis.

Such echoes of Gotabaya’s fascination with the Israelis possibly explains why the President had not been told that Muslims in his own celebration had requested that the BBS rally be banned. He claimed that they had only gone to the affected region afterwards, but this was belied by a Muslim Minister in whom he had wonderful trust, who confirmed that his plea had been ignored.

Second, the President granted that, regardless of the Muslim extremism he alleged, the BBS was a dangerous organization, but claimed that it was funded by the Americans and the Norwegians to destabilize the government. Certainly it was accurate that BBS personnel had, before the movement was set up, received some Norwegian funding, but it was also true that they had been patronized by the Secretary of Defence. The President claimed that Gotabaya had only attended a meeting at which the BBS was present at his request, but that did not explain why what Gotabaya said seemed to echo the chauvinist sentiments of the BBS. And it was at odds with the claim of the BBS leader that it was the Norwegian they have been associated with, a shadowy figure the Embassy, which was a lot more transparent in its activities, need to have been wary about, who had asked that Gotabaya be invited as the Chief Guest. The President surely had no answer to the question why, if the Americans were engaged in a programme aimed at weakening the government, Gotabaya so readily fell into their trap.

Despite his criticism of the BBS, the President insisted that he could take no action, since he thought the Buddhist clergy would protest. This was nonsense, due to the fact several top Buddhist monks had spoken out against the BBS. It was also nonsense to claim that he would be accused of being a dictator if he were firm, offered that it was precisely those who felt that civil liberties were becoming eroded who urged making use of the complete force of the law against the violent agenda of the BBS.

But, assuming that the President was not himself involved in the move to heighten tensions, it seemed clear that he felt himself straitjacketed. Given that he seemed convinced that it was only hardliners he could rely on electorally, he was clearly not going to take action against such extremists with elections due quickly. And doubtless he would be held to this position, given that Gotabaya had announced an intention to enter politics, combining this with the assertion that he would do considerably much better than current politicians. So, although he couched this apparent modify of thoughts in terms of willingness to satisfy a request of the President, if he made 1, he was creating no bones about the truth that he subscribed to the mythology of his outstanding capacities.

Freedom on the Net 2014 – the fifth annual complete study of world wide web freedom around the globe, covering developments in 65 nations that occurred between May possibly 2013 and May 2014 –found 3 essential issues concerning Sri Lanka&#8217s internet freedom and named Sri Lanka&#8217s &#8220Press Freedom 2014 status&#8221 as &#8220Not Cost-free&#8221.

According the report, published on Thursday by the US-based Freedom Residence, the important developments in Sri Lanka amongst Could 2013 – May possibly 2014 are

By Granville Perera –

Mahindanada Aluthgamage, Minister of sports along with Dr Ramesh Pathirana MP and son of former Education Minister Richard Pathirana representing the government in the Wadapitiya tv debate on Derana Television in the evening of December 03,  2014 walked out of a live programme following a phone caller questioned Aluthgamage on his integrity and the charges of bribery and corruption leveled against him. The caller was referring to the bribery charge made by his estranged wife to the bribery commission, which the caller claimed was not investigated. Without having responding to the charges, Mahindananda went on a verbal barrage and calling the caller a beggar, and abusing the media network that is owned by the daughter of a prominent minister and the campaign manager of the Mahinda Rajapaksa re-election media approach.

The Minister, in his arrogance possibly felt that he had the correct to criticize the Derana network for entertaining a phone call from an opposition phone-in participant who was questioning Aluthgamage’s conduct as a prominent member of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance, the current ruling party in Sri Lanka. In his uncontrolled verbal abuse, the minister went to the extent of accusing the network of having a pact with the opposition United National Party. He wanted the network to change its logo to the elephant symbol, (the party symbol of the opposition united national celebration) as the Tv network’s logo. He threatened the caller with legal action for questioning him on his integrity. What Aluthgamage failed to recognize is that as a people’s representative, he is answerable to the folks – in a genuine democracy. Is this a sign of the Government members panicking at the believed of an opposition victory where they could be brought to justice?

Like many members of the ruling party, there have been critical allegations of corruption levelled against Sri Lanka cricket and other sports bodies in Sri Lanka, that come below Minister Aluthgamage’s purview. Further, severe charges of soliciting sex from female cricket players were levelled at senior officials of Sri Lanka cricket. Investigations in to these have never ever noticed the light of day.

Aluthgamage’s behaviour is standard of the present political arrogance of the ruling party members. He went on to say that the existing government had issued the broadcast license to the Derena Television Network hence they must not entertain any criticism against the government or any of its members. What Aluthgamage have to be assuming is that broadcast frequencies of the nation are the

Private home of the ruling celebration. What a sad state of affairs for independent media.

It was certainly disgusting to see a supposedly educated member of parliament, who claims to be a solution of a single of the most major and distinguished schools in Colombo showing his arrogance and intimidating independent media, or supposedly independent media. However, the government of the day has managed to intimidate the entire media landscape in to submission. This is primarily since of the huge advertising budget that is controlled by the government, which belongs to the state lotteries board, state insurance coverage companies, banks, and other state advertisers. Further, they are also capable to control what goes on air in the private media by means of the intimidation of the corporate sector, thereby ensuring that criticism of the government is non-existent. Further, a number of journalists have been killed, numerous physically attacked and hundreds driven in to exile. The Sirasa Tv network and the Siyata Television network were set on fire, and up to date, no inquiry has been conducted and no a single has been arrested for the violence.

The tragedy with the Sri Lankan private media, particularly the electronic ones is that they are controlled by company interest’s that have enormous non media associated contracts with the government. Any criticism of the government or its representatives will spell disaster to their organization interests and state contracts.

The want for independent media is the priority of the hour that would not be controlled by other company interest. Successive governments blatantly manage the state media, which is supposed to be the public service media. Government stooges who have definitely no specialist experience or knowledge are employed to manage essential positions in these institutions. This ensures that only the state voice is heard and nothing at all else.

The blatant abuse of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and the independent Television Network by the government is a disgrace to broadcasting norms. The public tv networks are taken more than and employed as the ruling party’s network by appointing Government stooges as heads of these institutions. There are radio and tv programmes that abuse simple broadcasting ethics on a daily basis. In the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporations, the Chairman goes on air each and every morning and hurls abuse and filth on any person who has dared to criticize the government or its policies.  Nowhere in the globe, not even in the most despotic states would a chairman of a media institution go on air on a everyday basis, hurl abuse and use raw filth on a national network. Regretfully, no one has taken this up in the courts of law almost certainly being aware of the justice one particular would obtain from a flawed justice method.

As portion of President Rajapaksa’s election campaign, all heads of media intuitions who were part of his election campaign in 2010 have been re-appointed to take charge of the presidents 2015 election campaign. Their continual theme is foreign conspiracy, NGO dollars and traitors of the nation. Thus is the state of enterprise in the “Miracle of Asia”

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Promise: Grumpy 2 

So his attitude seemed to harden with the passing years. Also, sadly, even though he may possibly not have been ambitious himself, he seemed to see himself as the principal guardian of the victory the forces had won, with an obligation consequently to block the way of these who have been anxious to give more political powers to Tamil politicians. Even though, beneath threat from the LTTE, some of these had seemed to subscribe to the LTTE ideology, in reality most Tamil politicians have been moderates who have been relieved that the LTTE had been vanquished. They had been prepared to disavow terrorism as well as separatism, but they have been anxious to exercising political energy in predominantly Tamil regions, at least in terms of the Provincial Councils Act of 1987. But these who had been opposed to even that restricted devolution, on the grounds that it would inevitably lead to separatism, saw Gotabaya as their champion, and he came in time to articulate their views with increasing  assertiveness.

An intense instance of this came when, in 2013, with the President creating preparations to have the lengthy delayed Provincial Council election in the North, he declared publicly that it must not be held. Ironically, according to the President, he had been in favour of holding those elections a handful of years earlier, quickly after the war ended, which would have been a sensible move, and would have led to a greater result for the government. It was Basil then who had insisted on delay, on the grounds that his building programme would make sure far more and more assistance for the government. But by 2013, far more perceptive maybe than Basil about political realities in the area, possibly realizing also how he had contributed to increasing unpopularity, he came out strongly against having a poll. And normally this  occurred while a single of the more extreme coalition partners of the government, which was seen as close to Gotabaya, had introduced a Bill to amend the Provincial Councils Act so as to water down their powers. So powerful did this mixture appear, even although the evidence of elections had made it clear they had minimal common help, that it was feared the President would back down.

But he went ahead and elections have been held. The TNA won handsomely, with the determination of the Tamils to vote against government increased perhaps by what seemed sturdy arm techniques on the component of the forces against a candidate who was identified closely with the LTTE. She did remarkably properly, which may possibly properly have been predicted.

This tends to make one particular wonder why the forces ought to have got involved, and certainly it was so foolish an action, had been they the perpetrators, that a single wonders whether or not she herself had arranged the attack, provided that only she could advantage. Nevertheless there had been preceding situations of such folly on the portion of the forces, as when a meeting of the TNA had been attacked some months previously.

That incident was bizarre, due to the fact by the time the violence occurred the TNA representatives had completed speaking and left, and till then, they stated, what were clearly soldiers in mufti had behaved with restraint. When I asked the Jaffna District Forces Commander what had happened, he said that his orders to behave properly had been disobeyed, as a result of provocation by one of the later speakers, a Sinhalese member of a little radical celebration. But I could not comprehend why he did not then take forceful disciplinary action. Apart from the reality that soldiers must under no circumstances react violently against civilians unless they are themselves in grave danger, it was feasible that there were members of the forces who had no affection for the government, nor for Tamils (following the strategy of Sarath Fonseka ahead of his conversion), and they had no qualms consequently about aggression that could bring the government into disrepute. Government was only playing into their hands by refraining from disciplining them.

But Gotabaya seemed beyond such considerations, in what seemed wholehearted endorsement of what the forces did. Another instance of this occurred in Weliweriya, in the Gampaha District, where the forces opened fire on some demonstrators and killed a couple of young men. It was argued that the demonstrators had intended to provoke, which was doubtless accurate, but that did not clarify why the forces reacted as the provocateurs wanted. And even though Gotabaya granted that the incident was regrettable and required to be looked into, it was not apparent that disciplinary action was in fact taken against those accountable for undue violence. Certainly, as usual, the report of the inquiry that was held was not created public, nor any action taken on the basis of that report publicized.

Matters were complicated by the army insistence on secrecy with regard to such disciplinary proceedings. As a result, when the LLRC report came out, and the Army Commander appointed a Commission to look into matters it had raised, he kept the matter quiet. I told him that he should at least publicize the reality that an inquiry was getting performed, but he mentioned that was not their practice. Predictably, when a couple of months later he told an American envoy what was getting carried out, there was a newspaper report to the impact that, below American stress, an inquiry was being performed.

I utilised to think it was simply a foolish and unthinking adherence to British practice, that the British themselves had changed, which led to such secrecy. But I recognize also that this is an easy way of in fact avoiding critical action. If what is done is not produced public, then it is extremely easy to do nothing, or extremely small. Definitely there appears to be no proof that the forces have taken disciplinary action commensurate with obvious breaches, or have looked systematically into the abuses as to which, according to the LLRC report, there are credible allegations.

So Sri Lanka finds itself beneath continuing suspicion. Whilst I think we have to resist efforts to have international investigations (not least due to the fact the manner in which the Darusman Panel carried out itself leaves open to query both the motives and the methodology of those who will be imposed upon us), our internal investigations should be credible. This indicates that they need to be conducted not by the forces, but by an independent panel. That we have amply certified men and women for this goal is apparent from not just the LLRC (which those opposed to us said previously would be a whitewash) but from the Udalagama Commission which looked into the Trincomalee incident amongst other folks. The failure of government to publish the report of that Commission testifies each to the objectivity of the report and the incapacity of government to deal with anything that does not conform to its personal myopic perspectives.

In this regard Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s determination to defend his forces from any criticism, regardless of what they might have carried out, may possibly in the end prove decisive in ensuring the good results of the campaign to denigrate Sri Lanka and its government. This in turn will set the seal on the failure of the Rajapaksa government to market reconciliation within the nation and thus construct sustainable peace following its military victory. But Gotabaya would cite precedent for his intransigence, namely the approach of the Israelis, whom he sees as a model with regard to dealing with terrorism. Undoubtedly the new settlements that are getting introduced in the North, even if not as blatant and widespread as what the Israeli government has perpetrated in Palestinian lands, appear primarily based on the Israeli approach to making sure handle of a recalcitrant minority.

Gotabaya could cite precedent also for ignoring UN reports, given how the Israelis dealt with the Goldstone report. But the concept that Sri Lanka can perform as Israel does is preposterous, provided that we do not have the help of the Americans, who have created it clear that they will nullify any international criticism of Israel. And of course Gotabaya’s approach goes hand in hand with actions designed to alienate India, which might have supplied some sort of a shield against international condemnation, even if not as thorough a one particular as the Americans furnish Israel with.

This continuous jibing at Inda led most not too long ago for example to a far more than generally flagrant insult to India in a column by Shenali Waduge, who has turn into the commentator of choice on the Defence website. That, which was run by specialists during the conflict, turned into a loose cannon afterwards, dedicated it seemed to advertising the Secretary to the Ministry, whose public appearances and pronouncements had been offered prominence – quite unlike what had happened previously, when he had been content material to stay in the background. Then, a couple of years back, Shenali Waduge was found, and featured prominently, as she also is in government newspapers.

On this newest occasion the Indian Higher Commission had protested, and the write-up was removed. This was accompanied by an ‘unqualified apology’ and the claim that the article ‘had been published with out appropriate authorization and not reflecting any official position of the Government of Sri Lanka or Ministry of Defence and Urban Development’.

This is unlikely to convince anyone, not least because the report had been accompanied by a ridiculous cartoon, which was not the operate of Ms Waduge. And the reality that she, and those expressing related viewpoints, have been featured prominently on the website as effectively as in government newspapers, is not likely to have escaped the notice of the Indian government.

My attention had been drawn to this phenomenon a couple of years back by an Indian journalist who had covered the conflict, and whose balanced reporting had produced it clear that our forces had not behaved in the appalling manner they have been accused of. She expressed regret that the Sri Lankan government was so negative about India, and when I said I did not believe this was the case, she pointed out the a lot of articles attacking India that seemed to have official sanction. I did raise the concern subsequently when the management of the Related Newspapers of Ceylon appeared prior to the Parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises, and asked if this was policy. To my relief I was supported by practically all other members of the Committee, no matter whether from government or opposition, although one mentioned that we had a proper to defend ourselves when attacked. But when I pointed out that the Indian government, far from attacking us, had supported us solidly in our fight against terrorism, he too granted my point.

The Secretary to the Ministry mentioned there was no policy at all to attack India, and later thanked me for the intervention and stated it would aid him to exercise some control. But he proved powerless, for the attacks continued. Clearly the influence of the Defence Ministry, and the Minister of External Affairs who took his cues from Gotabaya, was as well powerful for him. The sniping continued, and Shenali Waduge, joined in 2014 by Senaka Weeraratne who had worked at the Peace Secretariat but whom I had had to restrain because of his chauvinism, which was expressed with astonishing insensitivity, became the most publicized writers in government publications. Denying them following they had been provided excessive publicity was a foolish step. Some sort of remedial action is required, and it is to be hoped that Gotabaya, or the President if Gotabaya believes he can get away with this sort of behavior again, calls a halt to such effusions in state outlets.

By Jehan Perera –

Jehan Perera

The continuing defection of government members away from President Mahinda Rajapaksa&#8216s election campaign is an indicator of the formidable nature of the challenge faced by the government. The President has a reputation for getting in a position to take on any challenge. However, what he is seeking to do is unprecedented. No President in the previous had the chance to contest the elections a third time. The Sri Lankan voter has had an earlier tradition of not returning an incumbent government to energy at elections. This only changed with the presidential method that concentrated energy in the hands of the President and enabled ruling parties to muscle themselves back to power.

There is expanding apprehension that the coming elections can become violent. The stakes are really higher for the contesting political parties. The presidency is by far the most potent institution in the country. Winning the presidency is the aim of each sides. The issues becoming canvassed at the elections, of corruption, nepotism and betrayal of the nation to international interests are highly emotive ones. Violations of election law are occurring on a big scale with the misuse of state property and sources getting highlighted by election monitors. There have also been acts of violence that can increase sharply as the election approaches.

In this fraught situation the sign of statesmanship would be for the President to initiate an all celebration discussion with the participation of religious and civil society on the need to have to ensure a cost-free and violence-totally free election. This discussion have to include the post-election circumstance, to make sure that no revenge-looking for will be tolerated. It is the President who is best suited to make this call as he holds the positions of Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and is also holds the ministerial portfolios for Defence and for Law and Order. Initiating such a discussion is in the national interest. It would both produce confidence about the electoral method in the minds of the general public and could also minimize the polarisation within the polity.

Good Tone

So far, even so, the government&#8217s presidential election campaign has not taken on a positive tone. It seems to be focusing consideration on international conspiracies and plots to divide the nation, which are not new anymore. It is the opposition that is setting the pace in this regard at the early stage of the presidential election campaign. They have promised to abolish the presidential program and the 18th Amendment both of which lead to an overconcentration of power. They have pledged a new constitutional system that will make certain the de-politicisation of state institutions that will make government leaders accountable for their actions. Now the Common Opposition Candidate Maithripala Sirisena has promised to form a National Government if he wins the presidential elections.

&#8220I am inviting my former colleagues and all parties represented in the current parliament to join a national government,&#8221 he said and promised to return the country to its status as a parliamentary democracy that existed till 1978. He also mentioned he wanted to bring about a peaceful constitutional revolution, citing India&#8217s independence leader Mahatma Gandhi and South Africa&#8217s anti apartheid leader Nelson Mandela as his inspirations. He mentioned he was an admirer of both Gandhi and Mandela and will stick to their instance in leading the country to establish a new political culture. This would include ensuring that all will be protected by the Sri Lankan state right after the elections.

The Widespread Opposition Candidate&#8217s promise to kind a national government has 3 optimistic aspects to it. The initial is that it will be the very best way to make certain there is a 2/three majority in Parliament to make the necessary constitutional amendments. It is unlikely that a enough quantity of parliamentarians will cross over from the government ranks to the opposition prior to the presidential elections to guarantee a 2/3 majority. Therefore there will be a require to persuade government parliamentarians who did not cross more than to also give their vote for the constitutional amendments. This can ideal be carried out through the arrangements of a national government.

National Reconciliation

Second, the formation of a national government that involves members of the present government who did not cross over prior to the election can ease the trauma of the transition. It will reassure these in the outgoing government that they will not be left powerless and at the mercy of hostile opponents. Certainly, they can be element of the national government which will also be a transitional government. This sort of assurance is crucial due to the fact there is anticipation the forthcoming elections will become a do or die battle in which violence can take an upper hand. It is certainly possible that relations will be shattered during the elections. But following the folks give their verdict, there also wants to be political reconciliation in the national interest.

Elections are necessarily divisive as they pit one contestant against the other. The rivals seek to get the votes of the electorate by highlighting differences rather than commonalities. This is where statesmanship should accompany the political need to be various. What is necessary for each and every of the contestants to win is not necessarily in the national interest.  The work to win elections have to not detract from the greater ambitions of sustaining peace at house and peace in the world.

The third optimistic aspect of a national government is that it will contribute to make the constitutional reform process a consensual one. The 3 prior efforts at altering constitutions had been partisan exercises. The two new constitutions of 1972 and 1978 were rammed through with out any heed provided to the protests or wishes of the opposition parties. As a outcome there was no sense of ownership of those two constitutions by the opposition parties, let alone the people at large. The try at passing a new constitution in 2000 was derailed due to the fact of opposition protests.

Minority Participation

In searching for to form a national government it is also important that the ethnic minority parties be included.  The ethnic conflict has been the most divisive and protracted problem in the nation.  It was there even prior to Independence from the British in 1948, when Lord Soulbury observed that overcoming communalism and generating a unified nation was the largest challenge facing the newly independent country.

Consequently in effecting constitutional change, it is essential that the views of the ethnic minority parties be respected and their interests be accommodated. This is where the South African principle of &#8221sufficient consensus&#8221 will turn out to be useful.

When Nelson Mandela was negotiating the way out of the Apartheid system which handful of thought was feasible to achieve peacefully, he sought to acquire a maximum of consensus. Nevertheless, the South African leaders realised that on some issues getting the consensus of all parties was not achievable. So they decided that at least the most essential parties had to agree. In the Sri Lankan case, exactly where matters relating to ethnic minority rights, devolution of power and post-war reconciliation are concerned, the agreement of the main ethnic minority parties will be required.

The government&#8217s military victory over the LTTE unified the country geographically, but not in heart and mind. It is due to this unresolved difficulty that the nation faces international opprobrium, possible sanctions and is not getting the economic investments it could get from the Diaspora and from international firms. The main international concerns over Sri Lanka have been the unwillingness of the government to deal with the human rights violations that took place for the duration of the war.  South Africa provides a model in which truth and reconciliation walked hand in hand. Right after decades of political polarisation and pricey warfare, this will not be an simple challenge to take up and needs the collective wisdom of both the government and opposition, and regardless of which side wins the election.