Category: Foreign Affairs

By Emil van der Poorten –

Emil van der Poorten

The choice of Maithripala Sirisena to throw his hat into the ring has resulted in what should be the most significant sigh of political relief skilled in Sri Lanka in a extended time, not to mention the usual fire-cracker sounds of celebration!

Whilst it is straightforward adequate to see this as an unmitigated blessing to a land that is drowning in a cesspool of corruption, a word of caution is not just required, it is crucial.

Particularly offered the players in this melodrama, 1 wants to bring a lot more than a bit of circumspection to bear here.

Whilst there is probably to be a substantial quantity of speculation as to who specifically had the greatest responsibility for obtaining Sirisena to “turn,” there is little doubt, given her look on the platform from which the announcement was created, standing right by Mr. Sirisena, that Chandrika Kumaratunge played a substantial role, probably calling in her markers from way, way back.

Offered that lady’s track record a single would be properly advised to apply the old adage to an evaluation of Mr Sirisena: “Tell me who your friends are and I’ll inform you who you are.”  And, let’s face it, that wouldn’t put the erstwhile Minister of Well being at the upper level of any band of political angels!

Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge does not precisely have a sterling record in the matter of not becoming vindictive and vindictiveness is no recipe for a return to excellent governance if Mr. Sirisena is successful in his quest for the Holy Grail. Neither is she, by any stretch, an example of someone who displayed principle and competence at the time she claimed to steer this nation.  Nonetheless, let’s assume that she has noticed the light during her certain journey to a Sri Lankan Damascus. Following all, Saul did end up as Saint Paul, even if that particular religious fact is becoming quoted in this particular instance by an unbeliever!

That said, I will reiterate what I proposed in a piece in Colombo Telegraph a while ago: all the essential preparations have to be made to prosecute, to the full extent of the law, these who have economically raped and pillaged this nation under the protection of the Rajapaksa Regime. I am not suggesting that any of these who did the same under Chandrika Kumaratunga or her predecessors be let off that particular hook, but a start off should be created and it is most sensible to go following these who’ve had the least quantity of time to cover their tracks.  That is a sine qua non in the cleansing and healing method which this country should begin if it is to return to something resembling law, order and good governance. I will, again, situation the challenge I did a although back to the members of such as Friday Forum: you surely have among your number those with the skills to play a top role in this endeavour and I challenge you, once again to emerge from your collective protective cocoon, quit basically issuing statements and do anything good and productive in the national interest.  Even if the current corrupt bunch continue in power after the next Presidential election, the act I am suggesting will not be in vain since it will have established a beachhead of principle that can never ever be regarded wasted.

I don’t know about the logistics of change that are needed and which, broadly speaking, all those involved in the anti-Rajapaksa movement subscribe to. Nonetheless, what they have had to say definitely puts them on the side of the angels in this contest, even if something even vaguely resembling moral or ethical conduct would do so in the present Sri Lankan context!

What I have seen, though, at initial hand is the danger of critical dilution of any effort to return to democratic practice in this nation by the participation of those who’ve given ample proof of their becoming ready to influence choice-makers to equivocate in matters of simple principle and justice.

As someone who witnessed this in miniature and was among those who fought a losing battle to turn that specific tide at a rugby club, I witnessed, at first hand, a wholesale sellout of principle in the rugby arena. I saw how, due to the fact of the need to have to curry favour with “the powers that be” whose progeny were the “stars” of a club purporting to represent the “Senior Service,” even the use of an assault weapon on the field of play was, basically, let slide. Why?  Because of a worry of “upsetting” the most crucial rugby fan in this nation! That there had been enterprise considerations attached to this manipulation of response was patently clear to any witness of what unfolded. I refer to this since it resulted in the selling out of fans, dozens of whom had been hospitalized since of the mayhem unleashed on them right after matches involving those specific protagonists, and witnesses who had placed their employment on the line by submitting signed statements to corroborate video, some of which I nevertheless have in my possession.

Suffice it to say that these “Dinuwath dinuwa, paradunath dinuwa[1]”  businessmen are the really identical enterprise types who play a substantial role on the national political stage by virtue of their connections to each sides of the political equation.  They have to not be permitted to subvert the need to have for justice and fairness and the bringing to book of those who have displayed an unparalleled capacity to rob this country blind. All they have been interested in is their own narrow company interests and they need to not be permitted to influence and impede the course of justice simply because they are driven by the require to preserve the “insurance” they have so effectively maintained via thick and thin, even though a entire nation went to the dogs. That need to not be negotiable in any shape, type or fashion. These sycophants have been a massive portion of the difficulty that has paraded as governance in this country and they have to not be permitted to impede the course of justice once more parading as element of the remedy.

As far as public opinion is concerned, the tide has turned and there is a veritable tsunami of dissatisfaction prepared to express itself against the Rajapaksa Regime. How does 1 harness this most successfully?

In the matter of campaigning, let me make a couple of suggestions from encounter garnered from much more than half a century of political activity, significantly of it in the trenches of electoral combat both here in Sri Lanka (in a more civilized and civil time) and elsewhere, exactly where the kind of violence which is a day-to-day element of political activity of any sort in Sri Lanka was conspicuous by its absence! Even provided that caveat, the three basic suggestions I am about to make are much more than relevant to a national constituency that is much more politically sophisticated than those of several functioning democracies.

1. Prior to election day (E-Day), canvassers require to to knock on each and every door in this nation to persuade each voter to cast his or her ballot on election day. Where attainable this foot-canvassing should be augmented by telephone canvassing with a properly-ready script, by telephone-canvassers who have been trained (specifically not to shed their tempers!)
2. And, on E-day, every work must be made to get every voter to the polls. Trying to exclude these suspected of supporting the present regime from such an effort would be a mug’s game because, with the climate of worry prevailing in this nation and what is going to be the unleashing of violence with no precedent by the incumbent government, extremely few are going to threat showing colours that would be deemed to be opposed to the incumbent.
3. Then comes, possibly the most critical element of E-Day: guaranteeing that the ballot boxes are not tampered with and that the votes are reported as cast. Even if, by some miracle that results in Mahinda Rajapaksa being elected to a third (illegal) term, it will have established a cornerstone of democratic practice that has all but disappeared from this country, thereby generating a considerable contribution to the rebuilding of that political culture at some point in the future.

Yes, dear reader, we do reside in fascinating times, and what we make of them is entirely up to each and every single one of us. Let not future generations say that we have been found wanting at a time when the very destiny of this nation will be determined.

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Promise &#8211 Chapter 2 – Satisfied Component 4

Underlying Basil’s solipsism was his political ambition. He created no bones about the fact that he saw himself as his brother’s successor. Indeed, he had been put into Parliament ahead of the 2010 election, although a resignation of a National List member that was engineered, on the grounds that there had to be a Rajapaksa accessible for appointment as President if anything untoward occurred to the incumbent. And although quickly soon after the election of 2010 Mahinda Rajapaksa introduced a constitutional amendment to get rid of term limits, so that Basil’s hope of becoming observed as necessarily the government candidate in the subsequent election was dashed, the President placed no restrictions on him presenting himself as successfully the principal choice maker in government.

So, in addition to his function in the North, he set about taking handle of developmental projects all over the country. Tourism was brought beneath the Ministry of Financial Development, which allowed him quickly after the government was formed to sell a prime block of land in Colombo to Shangri-La hotels, a crass measure since it created it difficult afterwards to refuse outright ownership to such investors. Fortunately, following a great outcry, the principle that only extended leases need to be permitted was accepted, but again the move was standard of Basil’s propensity to push through bargains speedily, regardless of wider consequences.

While he utilized to the full his position as patron of international ventures, he also tried to take manage of the administration of the country at huge. He did this through the Samurdhi programme, the welfare programme that was in place all more than the nation. Initially began to market entrepreneurship, it had quickly grow to be the primary car of government handouts to selected sections of the population.

Basil decided to use it to expand his empire, with graduates employed in each Division in the nation to affirm the primacy of his Ministry. Certainly I was told that there had even been an try to appoint Samurdhi officials as Grama Niladharis, the office that was the 1st point of interaction among folks and government. The Ministry of Public Administration staved off this effort, but it meant that for several years Grama Niladhari positions that were vacant have been not filled, until finally that Ministry reasserted its control of the position. Certainly a measure of Basil’s unpopularity with his colleagues was the categorical statement, when I told the Minister that he must guard against his responsibilities being encroached upon, that the Ministry of Economic Development was encroaching on everything.

Such encroachment could have been initiated in a civilized manner, because it could be argued that financial development was of the essence in all regions. But clearly with Basil it was power that he sort, rather than coordinated efficiency, for he took no steps to make certain that officials in related fields worked with each other. Therefore there were no clear systems to make certain coordination between the Grama Niladharis and the Samurdhi Improvement officers, and later the Financial Improvement officers, who have been assigned to each GN Division.

Although certainly they worked collectively, they did not have recommendations about ensuring consultation of the neighborhood and liaising with other government departments. Numerous of them told me, for the duration of the Divisional Secretariat Reconciliation meetings I had in the North and East, that they had been collecting data, but what this data was for, they seemed to have no notion. They had received quite small education just before getting appointed, and even though the Ministry of Defence put on a leadership development programme for some of them which was significantly appreciated, they have been not clear about their terms of reference, nor the way in which they could coordinate function with other government agencies. A programme of preparing reports, and making sure follow up for suggestions primarily based on people’s needs as properly as their recommendations, was not place in place, which was a pity considering that this was the first occasion on which the more than-worked Grama Niladharis had been provided qualified help employees to help with developmental work.

A single region in which guidelines have been laid down formally led to issues which had unfortunate consequences for the nation. Amongst the initiatives of Basil’s Ministry was a rural improvement programme referred to as Divineguma for which he introduced an Act which the Supreme Court ruled was in violation of the Constitution, in that it took away from the monetary authority of Parliament. Basil was furious when the judgment was delivered. In truth the Court recommended a basic way of overcoming the constitutional issue, and government realized that the recommendations created sense, and the Act was effortlessly passed as amended. But the bitterness Basil had evinced recommended that he was 1 of the chief factors in the animosity the government felt towards the Chief Justice, which led to her getting impeached.

Given Basil’s undoubted abilities and energy, it was a pity that he saw himself as mainly a politician. Patronage became much more important than development, and he reinforced the concept that politicians need to make a decision on priorities, as when for instance the Ministry asked Members of Parliament to advocate disused fields that ought to be recommissioned. This should far more practically have come by way of consultations at village level, but that would have not won any brownie points, whereas providing economic support to locations chosen by politicians was much more beneficial in terms of escalating political capital.

This element became really preposterous when, in 2014, Basil decided that development projects must be the purview of Members of Parliament. Previously every single member of Parliament, which includes those in the opposition, was allocated what was termed a decentralized price range of Rs 5 million a year. This could be utilised generally at will, although there have been recommendations laid down and approval had to be obtained for proposals from the Ministry of Financial Improvement.

Then it was decided to give another Rs 30 million to selected government Members. The rationale for leaving other individuals out seemed to be that these folks chaired what were termed Divisional Improvement Committees. But in reality, when I brought the matter up at the Consultative Committee on Public Administration Reforms (to the consternation of the Minister, who stated I would get him into trouble) it was noted by a government Member that the point was to give them funds for patronage in the whole District in which they would be contesting. This was a consequence of the absurd electoral technique we had, whereby contestant, even though technically allotted constituencies, had to seek votes all through the District.

But evidently 30 million each and every was deemed inadequate, and the next step was to allocate hundreds of millions to pick Members. So in Trincomalee a single Member go over 600 million, and an additional more than 200 million. Some had been offered absolutely nothing, which led to vociferous protests, which led in turn to the Member who felt most difficult completed by becoming created a Deputy Minister, prior to Provincial Council elections in Uva, for which his support seemed crucial.

While some Members did consult the people and feel carefully about how these funds should be spent, other folks simply did what they wanted, and some undoubtedly ensured that they would benefit from commissions on what ever they undertook. Buildings therefore became critical, and little consideration was paid to training wants or business improvement.

But clearly improvement was seen as secondary to political popularity. And to make things worse, given that Basil was in Parliament, and observed as the major political agent of the loved ones, the President entrusted not just development activity to him, but also areas which he did not recognize at all. Therefore, early in the life of Parliament, he presented proposals to adjust the electoral method for neighborhood bodies, which were utterly incoherent. When ideas have been made for improvement, he declared that decisions had currently been created, and the Act would be introduced as drafted. But so numerous amendments were required when the Act came before Parliament, that it had to be withdrawn. When it was lastly reintroduced many months later, it was with a guarantee that it would be amended later to get rid of certain absurd provisions. Amongst these for instance was a clause that a distinct percentage of candidates may possibly be girls or young folks. Lumping each groups together, and then not making their involvement mandatory, was typical of an strategy that did not see principles as an integral element of politics.

With electoral considerations getting his priority, Basil was slow about what was significantly far more crucial, reform of Regional Government structures. This was planned, and a bill was drafted, but it was kept on the back burner. The Secretary to the Ministry, 1 of the brighter government officials, shared the draft with me after the Minister had consulted me about the electoral amendments. I discovered then that the consultation with the grass roots that the President had wanted had been perverted to introduce only nominees to the committees that have been to be established. Ironically this replicated the colonial mindset, where representatives of the folks had been nominated rather than elected. This principle had been opposed by Sri Lankans searching for political reform, so it was sad to see the paternalistic concept getting reintroduced.

There was no alter in this provision in the subsequent draft I saw, although I was gratified to see that some at least of my suggestions seemed to have been taken up. But that meant practically nothing given that the Bill lay forgotten as government moved into election mode with the decision to advance the date of the Presidential election. The Liberal Celebration did create to the President suggesting that he not waste the remaining years of his mandate, but as an alternative move on measures he had promised, and which had been in preparation for a number of years, for instance with regard to Education and Higher Education and Electoral and Local Government Reform. But the appeal fell on deaf years, as Basil began to set up electoral offices, with scant regard for the leadership of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, which had not been consulted on the matter.

Basil’s wider political role may possibly not be strictly germane to the gradual erosion of the hopes the nation had in the Rajapaksa government to promote peace and prosperity, in particular in the former conflict regions. But it needs to be recorded in view of the possibilities lost because of his lack of concern for national priorities. The failure to strategy coherently for the North, with certain reference to human resource development, was a single of the principal factors for the continuing bitterness of its citizens towards government. And the refusal to seek the advice of the folks was unbelievably callous in the context of a lately concluded conflict. That demanded assurance as to the primacy of the men and women of the area in government planning, but Basil had neither the wisdom nor the commitment to give this.

By Granville Perera –

It is time that all those who think in the ideals of the Sri Lanka Freedom Celebration (SLFP) instantly gather about any opposition candidate who would genuinely perform towards abolishing the executive presidency and save the future of the SLFP.

Those who fail to act now will comprehend that a 3^rd Term for Mahinda Rajapaksa would make certain that Gota will succeed him and the baton would be passed on to Namal and there is no hope for any in the SLFP to climb up the ladder of executive workplace for the subsequent twenty 5 years or far more. What would be the fate of the SLFPers who have toiled all their lives to bring the celebration back in to energy, specially surviving the iron fisted rule set in motion by the late cunning fox – J R Jayewardene and the UNP rule of 17 years that disfranchised Madam Bandaranayike. These days, the old guards of the SLFP are confined to the old peoples home tagged as “Senior Ministers” and their future in politics systematically destroyed.

A notable and possibly the most corrupt soon after the Rajapaksa clan – Nimal Siripala de Silva was removed from his lucrative ministry of health and shoved to Irrigation and Mahaweli development to ensure that he would not be a future presidential competitor with his ill-gotten wealth. Now, when he is settling down to continue his corrupt practices, he has been brought down to earth with the debacle in Uva through the crafty use of Dilan Perera to attack him that ensured his electorate defeat.  The entire blame for the mediocre overall performance in Uva has been placed on Nimal Siripala in private discussions with the president. His file is already at the bribery commission in case of any attempt at defection. This has ensured that Nimal Siripala has been reined in and will not harbor any believed of sleeping with the enemy for worry of losing almost everything.  Maithripala on the other hand is one particular stubborn mule who nevertheless holds on, and a carrot of premiership has been provided, but Maithripala knows better.  Gota will be the next prime minister, ought to Mahinda get his three^rd term. If there is enough numbers that would cross over to the opposition along with Chandrika and Maithripala, the man from Polonnaruwa will turn out to be the obvious option for the frequent candidate. In such a situation, how will the UNPers vote? Would they trust the SLFPer? Much more importantly, will the Sajith clan accept Maithripala? Will Ranil genuinely contemplate supporting? The million dollar query would be – will Maithripala be happy in a non-executive presidency?

What ever the decision that the old guard of the SLFP take will make or break the SLFP. Should they support an opposition candidate to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa, they have the opportunity of constructing a coalition to challenge the UNP in the parliamentary elections that would stick to which could elect a government that would be answerable to the parliament. With the divided UNP, it is the SLFP that stands the most significant chance of forming a effective alliance. The JVP too would be far more inclined to help a SLFP coalition than one led by the UNP whom they nevertheless think about as traitors since of Ranil’s peace procedure with the LTTE.

The only selection left for Ranil is possibly to assistance fielding the most capable common candidate and get him elected so that he has the chance of becoming a strong premier. Never ever in his dreams must he entertain the thought of contesting Mahinda Rajapaksa as he is a brand that can not be marketed. Most would admit that Ranil is greatest suited to steer the nation out of the financial mess that has been the hallmark of the SLFP, but an individual else need to win the election for him.

The crisis with the JHU has exploded beyond the expectations of the Rajapaksa clan. Pavithra is no spring chicken to blurt out corruption charges on Champika Ranawaka out of the blues. It was Basil’s strategy to rein in Champika and the JHU to help the Rajapaksa third term which entirely back-fired due to the amateurish handling of it. What ever kickbacks that came Champika’s way from the contracts was not taken by him, but was taken more than by the JHU which was in deep monetary crisis. This was with the full approval of His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The self proclaimed Mr clean who ditched Chandrika and sought refuge in USA claiming her to be the Chaura Rajina (Queen of deceit), Dullas Alahapperuma is almost certainly the schemer for the Rajapaksas. His capability to hold throwing stones at absolutely everyone displaying his huge grip almost certainly has cost Mahinda Rajapaksa his 3rd term. With Maithripala packing his bags and Wasantha Senanayake set to go, the flood gates would soon open, and then it would be as well late for Mahinda to withdraw in to his presidential cocoon. There is no 1 to blame but himself for creating his own down fall.