Mawbima News

By Jehan Perera –

Jehan Perera

The continuing defection of government members away from President Mahinda Rajapaksa&#8216s election campaign is an indicator of the formidable nature of the challenge faced by the government. The President has a reputation for getting in a position to take on any challenge. However, what he is seeking to do is unprecedented. No President in the previous had the chance to contest the elections a third time. The Sri Lankan voter has had an earlier tradition of not returning an incumbent government to energy at elections. This only changed with the presidential method that concentrated energy in the hands of the President and enabled ruling parties to muscle themselves back to power.

There is expanding apprehension that the coming elections can become violent. The stakes are really higher for the contesting political parties. The presidency is by far the most potent institution in the country. Winning the presidency is the aim of each sides. The issues becoming canvassed at the elections, of corruption, nepotism and betrayal of the nation to international interests are highly emotive ones. Violations of election law are occurring on a big scale with the misuse of state property and sources getting highlighted by election monitors. There have also been acts of violence that can increase sharply as the election approaches.

In this fraught situation the sign of statesmanship would be for the President to initiate an all celebration discussion with the participation of religious and civil society on the need to have to ensure a cost-free and violence-totally free election. This discussion have to include the post-election circumstance, to make sure that no revenge-looking for will be tolerated. It is the President who is best suited to make this call as he holds the positions of Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and is also holds the ministerial portfolios for Defence and for Law and Order. Initiating such a discussion is in the national interest. It would both produce confidence about the electoral method in the minds of the general public and could also minimize the polarisation within the polity.

Good Tone

So far, even so, the government&#8217s presidential election campaign has not taken on a positive tone. It seems to be focusing consideration on international conspiracies and plots to divide the nation, which are not new anymore. It is the opposition that is setting the pace in this regard at the early stage of the presidential election campaign. They have promised to abolish the presidential program and the 18th Amendment both of which lead to an overconcentration of power. They have pledged a new constitutional system that will make certain the de-politicisation of state institutions that will make government leaders accountable for their actions. Now the Common Opposition Candidate Maithripala Sirisena has promised to form a National Government if he wins the presidential elections.

&#8220I am inviting my former colleagues and all parties represented in the current parliament to join a national government,&#8221 he said and promised to return the country to its status as a parliamentary democracy that existed till 1978. He also mentioned he wanted to bring about a peaceful constitutional revolution, citing India&#8217s independence leader Mahatma Gandhi and South Africa&#8217s anti apartheid leader Nelson Mandela as his inspirations. He mentioned he was an admirer of both Gandhi and Mandela and will stick to their instance in leading the country to establish a new political culture. This would include ensuring that all will be protected by the Sri Lankan state right after the elections.

The Widespread Opposition Candidate&#8217s promise to kind a national government has 3 optimistic aspects to it. The initial is that it will be the very best way to make certain there is a 2/three majority in Parliament to make the necessary constitutional amendments. It is unlikely that a enough quantity of parliamentarians will cross over from the government ranks to the opposition prior to the presidential elections to guarantee a 2/3 majority. Therefore there will be a require to persuade government parliamentarians who did not cross more than to also give their vote for the constitutional amendments. This can ideal be carried out through the arrangements of a national government.

National Reconciliation

Second, the formation of a national government that involves members of the present government who did not cross over prior to the election can ease the trauma of the transition. It will reassure these in the outgoing government that they will not be left powerless and at the mercy of hostile opponents. Certainly, they can be element of the national government which will also be a transitional government. This sort of assurance is crucial due to the fact there is anticipation the forthcoming elections will become a do or die battle in which violence can take an upper hand. It is certainly possible that relations will be shattered during the elections. But following the folks give their verdict, there also wants to be political reconciliation in the national interest.

Elections are necessarily divisive as they pit one contestant against the other. The rivals seek to get the votes of the electorate by highlighting differences rather than commonalities. This is where statesmanship should accompany the political need to be various. What is necessary for each and every of the contestants to win is not necessarily in the national interest.  The work to win elections have to not detract from the greater ambitions of sustaining peace at house and peace in the world.

The third optimistic aspect of a national government is that it will contribute to make the constitutional reform process a consensual one. The 3 prior efforts at altering constitutions had been partisan exercises. The two new constitutions of 1972 and 1978 were rammed through with out any heed provided to the protests or wishes of the opposition parties. As a outcome there was no sense of ownership of those two constitutions by the opposition parties, let alone the people at large. The try at passing a new constitution in 2000 was derailed due to the fact of opposition protests.

Minority Participation

In searching for to form a national government it is also important that the ethnic minority parties be included.  The ethnic conflict has been the most divisive and protracted problem in the nation.  It was there even prior to Independence from the British in 1948, when Lord Soulbury observed that overcoming communalism and generating a unified nation was the largest challenge facing the newly independent country.

Consequently in effecting constitutional change, it is essential that the views of the ethnic minority parties be respected and their interests be accommodated. This is where the South African principle of &#8221sufficient consensus&#8221 will turn out to be useful.

When Nelson Mandela was negotiating the way out of the Apartheid system which handful of thought was feasible to achieve peacefully, he sought to acquire a maximum of consensus. Nevertheless, the South African leaders realised that on some issues getting the consensus of all parties was not achievable. So they decided that at least the most essential parties had to agree. In the Sri Lankan case, exactly where matters relating to ethnic minority rights, devolution of power and post-war reconciliation are concerned, the agreement of the main ethnic minority parties will be required.

The government&#8217s military victory over the LTTE unified the country geographically, but not in heart and mind. It is due to this unresolved difficulty that the nation faces international opprobrium, possible sanctions and is not getting the economic investments it could get from the Diaspora and from international firms. The main international concerns over Sri Lanka have been the unwillingness of the government to deal with the human rights violations that took place for the duration of the war.  South Africa provides a model in which truth and reconciliation walked hand in hand. Right after decades of political polarisation and pricey warfare, this will not be an simple challenge to take up and needs the collective wisdom of both the government and opposition, and regardless of which side wins the election.

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Promise: Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Seven Dwarfs – Grumpy 1

What was termed the militarization of the North was attributed primarily to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Secretary of Defence, and in several minds he was regarded the greatest barrier to Reconciliation. He was thought the architect of the policy that held safety to be the most important consideration, and that to make sure this the footprint of the military had to be heavy and pervasive.

This was ironic, for during the course of the war he had seemed of the view that, even though the forces could handle the military needs, a settlement needed the politicians, and setting this in location was not his role. Indeed, in this regard he seemed the opposite of his Army Commander, Sarath Fonseka, who was thought to be of the view that a policy of settlements in the North was the greatest way of guaranteeing peace. Gotabaya, on the contrary went along with his brothers, the President and Basil, when they sidelined Fonseka, having refused his request that the army be enlarged and, as noted, Basil went ahead with a policy of swift resettlement, which was in accordance with the pledge of the President.

Certainly, even for the duration of the war, Gotabaya had seemed soft in comparison with Sarath Fonseka. His selected instruments had been officers such as Daya Ratnayake, appointed Army Commander in 2013, who had created the approach that ensured that there have been hardly any civilian casualties in the East. Sarath did not like Daya Ratnayake, and sidelined him and would have had him retired early, but Gotabaya saved his career by sending him off to China for his Employees College Course. When he came back, he was not utilized at all in what remained of the Northern offensive.

Sarath had a no nonsense strategy to the conflict, and when the ICRC told him that firing was coming close to hospitals, his response was on the lines that the hospitals ought to no longer have been there, because they had been instructed to move. Gotabaya on the contrary had taken notice of such warnings and indicated that he would have the line of fire changed.

In basic, Gotabaya and his preferred instruments such as Jagath Jayasuriya who, as Commander of the Special Forces in Vavuniya, was in charge of the Northern operation, tended to follow international law as best feasible. Offered the general technique followed in the war, and the care taken in most quarters to keep away from civilian casualties, there is no doubt that Sarath Fonseka also followed the general principles laid down by the civilian command, but it was also apparent that he often saw this as a needless hindrance. His initial account of the killing of those who tried to surrender by carrying White Flags and leaving the Tiger lines indicates his bluff mindset, for he was reported as possessing said that these in air-conditioned rooms, an obvious reference to Gotabaya, ordered that they be spared. He nonetheless had accomplished what was required, considering that he knew how they had behaved in the previous.

It was odd then that, a couple of years later, Gotabaya must have inherited the mantle of the difficult-liner, but maybe it was inevitable given the manner in which government decided to respond to the challenge presented by Sarath Fonseka, when he stood for election against Mahinda Rajapaksa as the common Opposition candidate. Getting skilled what seemed a Damascus style conversion, doubtless because he was backed by the Americans (who could not have been ignorant of his measure but believed him the ideal instrument of applying pressure on Rajapaksa), he place himself forward for election as a dove. He was certainly supported by the UNP, which had not supported the crushing of the Tigers, and by the TNA, the principal Tamil political celebration. His method then to the White Flag case was that it was these in air-conditioned rooms who had given orders that they be killed.

Government responded, not by pointing out the contradictions in his accounts, and calling him a liar, but by saying he was a traitor. They had decided that, since Fonseka was the principal opponent in the election, it was the hardline vote that had to be won. Patriotism, in order to get the much better of Fonseka, had to be difficult, so it did not matter that the impression they produced was that his story may well be correct. The upshot of this, of course, was that when the LLRC advised inquiries into attainable abuses, the government was in troubles, given that Fonseka could nicely have named them traitors for letting down patriots who had only done what was essential to remove terrorism.

But there had previously been indications that Gotabaya was determined to safeguard those who had fought on his behalf. Despite the typically admirable conduct of the forces, there had been a single ugly incident even before the offensive in the East had begun, which was unfairly noticed as characteristic of the army. What made this even a lot more unfair, apart from the exceptional nature of the incident, was that the perpetrators were not army personnel, but rather members of the Unique Task Force, which was a commando kind branch of the Police.

The incident had occurred in Trincomalee, with five youngsters getting killed in cold blood. Even though Gotabaya after claimed that they had been involved in terrorism, it is doubtful whether or not even he believed this. Initially certainly government had been of the view that these accountable had to be brought to book, but there had been some delay in carrying out this, and it seemed probably that Gotabaya, who had referred to the perpetrators as youngsters under stress, had been instrumental in countermanding the President’s decision. The upshot was that nothing at all was completed, even although at a later stage as well the President truly asked the Lawyer General to situation indictments. But, on the grounds that he would lose the case – and probably simply because he was not positive the President would not modify his thoughts – the Attorney General had done nothing at all.

This was 1 of the cases as to which the President had set up a Particular Presidential Commission of Inquiry, but its report was by no means publicized. This developed the impression that government wanted to cover up with regard to each this case and an additional notorious one, the killing of 17 workers of the French NGO Action Against Hunger, in the course of the try of the Tigers to take handle of Mutur, and hence threaten Trincomalee. In truth responsibility in the latter case was not so clearcut, and it was also apparent that the NGO had acted against UN recommendations in sending their workers into a threatened area when all other help workers had been withdrawing. But by maintaining the Udalagama Commission report a secret, government gave a handle to those accusing it of big-scale violations of international law.

Gotabaya then seemed determined to resist any effort to investigate charges of wrongdoing. He gave space on the Defence Ministry website to those crucial of the LLRC Report, which was a pity due to the fact the LLRC, having weighed the evidence, had indicated that most charges of War Crimes (as laid out in the Darusman Report commissioned by the UN Secretary General) did not hold water. By resisting however its conclusion that there was a case to investigate with regard to the remedy of some surrendees, Gotabaya permitted the impression to be developed – and propagated vehemently – that the government was in a state of total denial of everything.

Probably the vehemence with which the government was attacked had thrown him. Definitely the President claimed that his attitude had hardened right after the attacks on Sri Lanka elevated. Hence, with regard to police powers, which were supposed to be devolved below the current 13^th Amendment to the Constitution, which Rajapaksa had pledged to implement soon after the conclusion of the conflict, Gotabaya was initially reported as getting no objection to neighborhood policing being run by the Province. Certainly the President himself had earlier indicated to me that he saw no purpose not to devolve police powers since, following the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, there seemed no real threat of an alternative energy base.

But right after the hostility in England to the President that prevented him from speaking at the Oxford Union, hostility which it seemed in Sri Lanka the British government had not dealt with firmly, Gotabaya had hardened, and there seemed tiny prospect of a Provincial Administration being allowed police powers. It was soon after that too that what had seemed previously a readiness to give up significantly of the land about Palaly changed, and government ended up keeping much far more than could reasonably be claimed was vital for security purposes. Whereas elsewhere in the North the forces withdrew from massive tracts they had previously declared they needed, in Palaly – which was a heavily inhabited area, so that hundreds of households had been deprived of their properties – they clung on, to unpopularity that enhanced in leaps and bounds.

This might have led as well to what seemed an effort to alter the demography of the Wanni, via settlement of Sinhalese in the area. Initially there had seemed no truth in the assertion that Sinhalese had been getting brought in from outside. What was happening was resettlement of households that had been driven away by Tiger violence in the early stages of the conflict, and I discovered in my early visits that certainly the Sinhalese families in location could talk emotionally of the ancestral properties they had had to abandon. But later on those exact same households told me of new settlers getting brought in. Interestingly, they had no racial feeling about this, and complained that what was taking place was unfair to the original inhabitants of the area, because they all, Tamil and Muslim and Sinhala, had children who must have been given the opportunity 1st, if new lands have been being given out to settlers by government.

Drastically, this type of settlement was also deeply upsetting to government politicians in the North. Rishard Bathiudeen complained once, at the Parliamentary Consultative Committee on Resettlement, that government seemed to be acting on a policy that was not created public, of promoting racial harmony by producing villages of certain communities side by side with other people of various communities. Considering that this was only being implemented in the North, and therefore involved taking the lands of Tamil and Muslim communities to establish Sinhala ones, clearly the professed aim was not the real 1. And the huge locations devoted to Sinhala only villages in Vavuniya North created it clear rather that what was taking place was what the TNA claimed, which had not been component of government policy quickly following the war ended, namely efforts at demographic modify.

In some instances certainly Gotabaya seemed on a various wavelength from at least some of his officers, who have been typically concerned about the welfare of the original inhabitants becoming resettled. One obvious bone of contention was the work of a few monks from the South to set up Buddhist temples in the area, claiming that these had been historic Buddhist sites. In Mannar, the army officers did their greatest to avoid new locations being acquired – one particular Monk for instance had no liking for the archaeological site which did have an old temple but was deep in the jungle, so rather took over a Hindu temple on the principal road – but an unprofessional Department of Buddhist Affairs and a complaisant Archaeological Department contributed to growing resentment. Typically the TNA claimed that the armed forces had been behind these new Buddhist temples, which was really untrue, but they could not of course have been anticipated to admit that the army was normally the ideal defence against such practices.

Matters have been difficult by the more intense Buddhist chauvinists claiming that the President also was truly a Christian (which his wife was), and suggesting that the only hope for Buddhism was Gotabaya. Although the brothers had been extremely close, and had full confidence in every other, it was apparent that Gotabaya did take seriously the escalating tendency to view him as the greatest patriot in the land.

“It has been months now but the Centre of Policy Alternatives (CPA) has chosen to remain silent on Colombo Telegraph’s allegation that the CPA has been significantly less than transparent in its economic activities attracted the consideration of several given that it 1st surfaced says Dr. Liyanage Amarakeerthi.

Dr. Liyanage Amarakeerthi

“It is also essential for genuine public intellectuals to distance themselves from these corrupted NGOs and operate with individuals at the grassroots level to rebuild a tradition of civil activism.” he further mentioned.

On October 10th Colombo Telegraph exposed a variety of monetary malpractices in the CPA. The CPA, in its official site, referring to this exposé, on the identical day announced that its Executive Director, Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu was away and that a response would be provided ‘in two weeks’. Dr Saravanamuttu returned to Sri Lanka on the 17th. The self-imposed deadline expired on 24th October.

On October 10th, primarily based on CPA documents in our possession, Colombo Telegraph accused the CPA of billing for un-held workshops, engaging in double billing,’ i.e receiving grants from two donors to do the same process and duplicating receipts, hotel bills and other bills to submit to donors (maybe even submitting same bills to several donors), and hoodwinking donors by filing expenses under safe price columns. Colombo Telegraph initial asked the CPA to respond to particular inquiries primarily based on our investigations on 8th of June, 2014.

Dr. Liyanage Amarakeerthi, Senior Lecturer at University of Peradeniya mentioned nowadays that the fact that some NGO large shots live luxurious is fairly well-recognized and that fact alone has distanced numerous crucial public intellectuals from NGOs. The modus operandi of these NGOs includes the ideas such as ‘transparency’, ‘accountability’, ‘financial ethics’ and the like. But the NGOs appear to ignore those extremely ideas when they are utilized against themselves.

He mentioned there are NGOs doing some crucial operate in the country. That function needs to continue. Arguably, the NGOs indirectly helped the Sri Lankan state for the duration of war years by taking care of a lot of social problems even though the state was busy waging war. Even during these ‘peace years’ the NGOs are taking upon themselves several tasks to which the state could have ideally attended. There are some NGOs that concentrate on essential civil society activities geared towards empowering citizens. For these very factors, it is important that Sri Lankan citizens expect these NGOs to practice what they preach.

“Given this background the CPA’s freezing into silence is puzzling certainly.  Big shots in the government invest luxurious lives that they would not have even imagined a handful of years ago. The costs of the president’s wristwatch, of his son’s cars, are rightfully questioned.  These variables are currently causing the downfall of the regime. The shades of defeat are currently visible on the face of the corrupted patriarch. It is also important that the citizens have access to the information of about the funding these NGO vallahs get in our name, the people.

“It is also important for genuine public intellectuals to distance themselves from these corrupted NGOs and function with men and women at the grassroots level to rebuild a tradition of civil activism. The re-discovery of genuine (unpaid) activism and participation in governance requirements to be constructed into the movement of comment candidate and other social moments.”

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By Lal wijenayake –

Lal Wijenayake

Lot is spoken about the 30 year old conflict which is popularly recognized as the war and the heroes behind the defeat of the LTTE militarily. Each leader of our nation during the 30 years has contributed in some way towards the defeat of the LTTE militarily. It was like getting the opposite group balled out in a cricket match to win the match. Thankfully for President Rajapaksa, he took the final wicket and when looked superficially he has the right to claim that he won the match for the group. That is what is happening today. But if one particular sits down and consider deeply about the 30 year war, a single would have many items to ponder about.

JR signed the Indo – Sri Lanka agreement and pitched India (which supported the LTTE at a single stage) against the LTTE.  He successfully deprived the LTTE of the base that they had in India and made India as well hot for the LTTE.  This led to the series of events that eventually led to the LTTE getting banned in India.

President Premadasa adopted a somewhat various approach to weaken the LTTE.  It is now clear from the accessible documentation that he tried to weaken the LTTE by making use of rival groups within the LTTE, specially the ‘Mahaththaya’ group.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga even though sincerely providing a political package to the Tamil people and even approaching the LTTE leadership, did considerably to strengthen and modernize the safety forces to enable it to face the establishing military circumstance.

Common Fonseka, undoubtedly the most dedicated commander of the Army we had and who meant enterprise and was not distracted by politics or private glory and /or privileges has on numerous occasions in public appreciated the assistance offered, during President Chandrika Kumaranatung period to enhance the fighting capacity of the security forces.

Now it is forgotten that it is in the course of her period that the most hard military operation to capture Jaffna from the LTTE was effectively concluded. This was an crucial turning point in the process of defeating the LTTE militarily. Capture of Jaffna deprived the LTTE the most essential administrative and military base to carry out its offensive against the security forces. The fall of Jaffna brought about demoralization amongst the LTTE fighters and skepticism of achievement among its supported within and outdoors the nation.

This military offensive was the most critical military victory in the fight to defeat the LTTE militarily.

President Wijetunge in the course of his quick term in office was able to liberate most parts of the Eastern Province from the handle of the LTTE.

For the duration of the two year period that Ranil Wickramesinghe was Prime Minister, he attempted to discover a political remedy with the assistance of the International Community. The ceasefire brokered by the International neighborhood and the events    that led to the LTTE going back on the agreement entered into with the government on the peace approach and their tough-line stance exposed the LTTE internationally. That lastly led to the LTTE losing the sympathy that the LTTE was drawing from the International Neighborhood and lastly led to the isolation of the LTTE internationally, which was an crucial issue which eventually led to the help the Sri Lankan Government got from the United States, India, and other countries.  This help was a main factor that led to the weakening of the LTTE militarily and ultimately to its isolation and defeat.

There had been two other aspects that should not be forgotten in any discussion on the military victory more than the LTTE.  One is the function played by Lakshman Kadirgamar, Foreign Minister in the President Kumaratunga regime. His intelligent, effectively studied and polished diplomacy helped the international community to comprehend the nature of the LTTE movement and its aspirations. He was able to convince them that the LTTE is a threat not only to our nation but to all nations in the region and in truth the entire world. His diplomacy was a turning point in the way that the international neighborhood perceived the LTTE movement and its aims and its so called aspirations.

The other factor that helped the President to capture the last wicket was the enormous buildup of help amongst the international community towards nations fighting against terrorism, following the terrorist attack in USA, and the threat of such attacks throughout the world and much more specifically in the western world.  The realization by the potent nations in the international neighborhood that terrorism can’t be fought in every nation in isolation but has to be a worldwide work beyond national boundaries was a significant truth that led to the military help that helped our courageous safety forces led by Sarath Fonseka below President Rajapaka’s regime to defeat the LTTE militarily and in truth to eliminate the LTTE.

*Lal Wijenayake &#8211 Chairman,Standing Committee on Rule of Law of the Bar Association

By Kusal Perera –

Kusal Perera

Much is talked of in the media about economic growth in Sri Lanka in the course of the previous decade or so. Finance Ministry and Treasury Secretary Dr. Jayasundera whose been there from about 1990, very first as Advisor to the Ministry of Finance is still hopeful of economic development he had not accomplished for the duration of the last 02 decades (In amongst he was for a quick spell, Consultant and then Chairman PERC and absent for 02 years when Charitha Ratwatte held the position during RW’s government) of his powerful and dominating presence in the treasury.

Nivad Cabraal, the other kingpin in this regime who talks company was quoted saying, FDI would reach a high of 20 per cent of GDP by subsequent year (hardly 02 months away in 2015). Explaining the indicators of an emerging economy, he had stated, ads on restaurants, dining, tours and travels, autos, etc are increasing exponentially. “When going by way of the weekend newspapers we can see this,” he was quoted, attributing this as a single indicator of a developing economy which is expanding by 7.five per cent.(Very good Time To Mull Consolidating The Insurance coverage Sector – CB Governor / ST Company Occasions – 09 Nov.2014)

That may be their total understanding of budgeting and business. But for confident, these 3 hundred thousand plus who voted against this regime at the Uva Pc elections last September, wouldn’t know or really feel this financial growth by way of advertisements that Cabral is proud of. I have not been in such company to feel that growth either. For that reason, in spite of what the two large guns in this regime say, this is little pondering on what massive corporate entities and individual enterprise guys and women ought to be undertaking in Sri Lanka, apart from creating earnings. Making income is what companies are meant for is not disputed though.

Compared to pre-Jayawardne era, this unbridled and fenceless open economy because 1978 has offered massive space and freedom for the company and trader community in Sri Lanka to stockpile earnings. This segment in the Sri Lankan economy frequently referred to as the “private sector” is accepted as the “engine of growth”. Wickramesinghe government in 2002 called it so, in “Regaining Sri Lanka”, their economic plan. No present day political leader in government or in the opposition (even the JVP?) would dispute that status of the private sector. Handful of would say, “Yes, but with a lot less corruption”. None would disagree. “Controlled” corruption is the norm. Even in developed 1st globe nations where social awareness and civil responsibility is higher and democratic structures for good governance are in place, corruption and fraud are portion of their life.

Common belief is, if governance can be organised without having politicians, there will be no corruption in society. I totally disagree. Corruption is only attainable if two other partners move into share the “big deal” where politicians can only determine. One, the conniving Ministry Secretary who plays proxy to the politician. The other, the businessman who is prepared to spend for the “deal” in return for huge enterprise. Usually in present day Sri Lanka, it is the businessman who takes the project to the politician. And corruption needs loopholes or bending of the law or both, worked out by ministry Secretaries or a strong administrator.

That holds the private sector company equally accountable as any corrupt politician and no much less. It was proved so in the LMS privatisation and Insurance coverage Corporation sell out. Can I for that reason ask the private sector leaders, “Can the private sector be the engine of development on wheeler dealing?” Can genuine firms thrive in a “Zimbabwian Syndrome”? I firmly think most entrepreneurs, most corporate entities would not want to invest and do enterprise in an uncertain, wholly unpredictable and a heavily corrupt society. Most entrepreneurs would want to minimise danger and that to a excellent extent depend on how stable, how level the playing field is and predictable the future is. How do corporate bosses as a result see this Sri Lankan society and its future ?

This society is an ugly ailing society though firms still make profits. It is not only mega plunder and looting that no a lot more can be referred to as “corruption” that makes this society sick and ugly. Every single arm of the State is putrefying. The whole public administration has turned into a meek collective of spineless political stooges at each level. It is inefficient and with no dignity. Potent officials like Jayasundera who live on unconditional political energy can as a result insult higher officials in public and walkout proud (“Public Lashing of State Officials by PBJ” / ST Organization Instances / 09 Nov.2014). An administration that’s spineless is not one particular that can provide effectively and with independent authority.

Certainly, in such context, State solutions can’t deliver even the fundamentals and the minimum. Modest time but rampant corruption the Bribery Commission highlights as massive achievements are in nearby level service delivery. From Grade I college admissions to traffic offences on the road, from motor car registration to family certificates for migrant housemaid employment the whole society is reeking with politicised inefficiency, selective treatment and corruption, accepted as essential for every day living. Within such erosion of social life, formal education in urban poor and rural society reaching up to universities, have lost their goal and dignity. Well being is no better. Medical persons and their specialist organisations are a disgrace to intellect and ethics needed in a noble service treating human beings.

The judiciary from its pinnacle proper down, is far worse. The best is heavily politicised and acts accordingly. Removal of the 43^rd Chief Justice and appointment of the 44^th proved how subverted the apex Court is. The rut set in from specifically the time of Sarath N. Silva who paved the way for shameless crossovers in parliament. Parliamentary democracy is no far more. He accepted he delivered a judgement for which he now begs a public pardon, again for his personal selfish political reasons. Silva hence accepts intentional misuse of the highest position in the judiciary. A crime against society, against 20 million individuals, he need to be punished for, but is applauded as a hero alternatively. This society has no values and no conscience.

Correct down to the regional level, the judiciary is corrupt and inefficient as well. I’ve heard of suspects, some even without a trial fixed, kept in remand custody for unending years. I’ve heard of guys with non bailable offences enlarged on bail. I’ve study in the media often occasions, Magistrates nodding approval of killings, when police officers claim it was in self defence. Custodial killings are in no way questioned and investigated. But carried via constantly with the exact same script and approved in Courts with no lawyer wanting to challenge such scripted killings.

Police have been frequently accused as one particular of the most corrupt government departments in this country. They are not only corrupt they are into criminal acts also. From DIG Vas Gunawardne down to SPs, ASPs and OICs, there are many cases and allegations of contract killing, bribery, sexual abuse and political thuggery. At local level, it is widespread now to accept the police to heed the ruling politician ahead of they make decisions. And by now, their behaviour on camera proves they don’t often stick to law and order, even when racist thugs take to the streets.

With the police noticed and understood as a political appendage of the ruling regime, this society is seeing a heavy improve in crimes. Of extortions, abuse and sexual molestation of young children, rape and murder of ladies, drug peddling and murder turning into frequent occurrences in every day life. All crimes, seeping into rural life with neighborhood government bodies stacked with village thugs. They are maintained via several State funded projects and wield State energy. These nearby power wielders abuse their status and are responsible for most youngster abuse situations, rape of girls and possibly drug peddling too.

This break down of social life can be very easily gauged by the truth that this society is a fast decaying society. Ever heard of mothers killing their infants, dumping them at bus halts or jumping into rivers so often, ten years ago ? Ever heard of fathers sexually abusing their personal youngsters and brutally killing them? Ever noticed a citizenry watching a policeman physically maul a lady in broad daylight and then go their way without having a word? Can corporate leaders ignore all this and continue generating income?

Corporate Social Duty (CSR) is beyond funds channelled for isolated neighborhood projects. I firmly think, as a social segment that carves out income from social life, corporate leaders cannot behave like the international corporate who ignored the outbreak of “Ebola”. (quote) In Africa, the infected population is continuing to grow. As a lot of as 21,000 individuals are sick with the virus in Sierra Leone and Liberia, and that quantity could grow to up to 1.four million people by January (2015), according to estimates by the Centers for Illness Manage (unquote – Laura Lorenzett in fortune.com on 02 October, 2014). The enterprise logic in ignoring Ebola was, diseases that have an effect on poor men and women in poor nations aren’t a research priority, for it is unlikely the poor will provide a marketplace with a decent return. But, Ebola was deemed an epidemic when the US was shocked to locate a victim in Dallas who may infect about 80 people. That’s also when the Corporate pharma giants raced to create a remedy.

Sri Lankan Corporate must not behave in such “Ebolitic” manner. It’s to their benefit as well, in carrying out company in a civilised society. But why isn’t Corporate leaders reacting? Why are not they visible and audible in demanding respect for life and stability in society? Is it, they can still earn income, what ever takes place to the minions without a purse to purchase what they dump in shelves and industry for the developing urban rich?  Corporate bosses would have to prove they are a responsible segment in Sri Lanka beyond stockpiling earnings and unaccounted luxury. Prove they are a decent lot and want a civilised society, not just earnings.

By Emil van der Poorten –

Emil van der Poorten

The choice of Maithripala Sirisena to throw his hat into the ring has resulted in what should be the most significant sigh of political relief skilled in Sri Lanka in a extended time, not to mention the usual fire-cracker sounds of celebration!

Whilst it is straightforward adequate to see this as an unmitigated blessing to a land that is drowning in a cesspool of corruption, a word of caution is not just required, it is crucial.

Particularly offered the players in this melodrama, 1 wants to bring a lot more than a bit of circumspection to bear here.

Whilst there is probably to be a substantial quantity of speculation as to who specifically had the greatest responsibility for obtaining Sirisena to “turn,” there is little doubt, given her look on the platform from which the announcement was created, standing right by Mr. Sirisena, that Chandrika Kumaratunge played a substantial role, probably calling in her markers from way, way back.

Offered that lady’s track record a single would be properly advised to apply the old adage to an evaluation of Mr Sirisena: “Tell me who your friends are and I’ll inform you who you are.”  And, let’s face it, that wouldn’t put the erstwhile Minister of Well being at the upper level of any band of political angels!

Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge does not precisely have a sterling record in the matter of not becoming vindictive and vindictiveness is no recipe for a return to excellent governance if Mr. Sirisena is successful in his quest for the Holy Grail. Neither is she, by any stretch, an example of someone who displayed principle and competence at the time she claimed to steer this nation.  Nonetheless, let’s assume that she has noticed the light during her certain journey to a Sri Lankan Damascus. Following all, Saul did end up as Saint Paul, even if that particular religious fact is becoming quoted in this particular instance by an unbeliever!

That said, I will reiterate what I proposed in a piece in Colombo Telegraph a while ago: all the essential preparations have to be made to prosecute, to the full extent of the law, these who have economically raped and pillaged this nation under the protection of the Rajapaksa Regime. I am not suggesting that any of these who did the same under Chandrika Kumaratunga or her predecessors be let off that particular hook, but a start off should be created and it is most sensible to go following these who’ve had the least quantity of time to cover their tracks.  That is a sine qua non in the cleansing and healing method which this country should begin if it is to return to something resembling law, order and good governance. I will, again, situation the challenge I did a although back to the members of such as Friday Forum: you surely have among your number those with the skills to play a top role in this endeavour and I challenge you, once again to emerge from your collective protective cocoon, quit basically issuing statements and do anything good and productive in the national interest.  Even if the current corrupt bunch continue in power after the next Presidential election, the act I am suggesting will not be in vain since it will have established a beachhead of principle that can never ever be regarded wasted.

I don’t know about the logistics of change that are needed and which, broadly speaking, all those involved in the anti-Rajapaksa movement subscribe to. Nonetheless, what they have had to say definitely puts them on the side of the angels in this contest, even if something even vaguely resembling moral or ethical conduct would do so in the present Sri Lankan context!

What I have seen, though, at initial hand is the danger of critical dilution of any effort to return to democratic practice in this nation by the participation of those who’ve given ample proof of their becoming ready to influence choice-makers to equivocate in matters of simple principle and justice.

As someone who witnessed this in miniature and was among those who fought a losing battle to turn that specific tide at a rugby club, I witnessed, at first hand, a wholesale sellout of principle in the rugby arena. I saw how, due to the fact of the need to have to curry favour with “the powers that be” whose progeny were the “stars” of a club purporting to represent the “Senior Service,” even the use of an assault weapon on the field of play was, basically, let slide. Why?  Because of a worry of “upsetting” the most crucial rugby fan in this nation! That there had been enterprise considerations attached to this manipulation of response was patently clear to any witness of what unfolded. I refer to this since it resulted in the selling out of fans, dozens of whom had been hospitalized since of the mayhem unleashed on them right after matches involving those specific protagonists, and witnesses who had placed their employment on the line by submitting signed statements to corroborate video, some of which I nevertheless have in my possession.

Suffice it to say that these “Dinuwath dinuwa, paradunath dinuwa[1]”  businessmen are the really identical enterprise types who play a substantial role on the national political stage by virtue of their connections to each sides of the political equation.  They have to not be permitted to subvert the need to have for justice and fairness and the bringing to book of those who have displayed an unparalleled capacity to rob this country blind. All they have been interested in is their own narrow company interests and they need to not be permitted to influence and impede the course of justice simply because they are driven by the require to preserve the “insurance” they have so effectively maintained via thick and thin, even though a entire nation went to the dogs. That need to not be negotiable in any shape, type or fashion. These sycophants have been a massive portion of the difficulty that has paraded as governance in this country and they have to not be permitted to impede the course of justice once more parading as element of the remedy.

As far as public opinion is concerned, the tide has turned and there is a veritable tsunami of dissatisfaction prepared to express itself against the Rajapaksa Regime. How does 1 harness this most successfully?

In the matter of campaigning, let me make a couple of suggestions from encounter garnered from much more than half a century of political activity, significantly of it in the trenches of electoral combat both here in Sri Lanka (in a more civilized and civil time) and elsewhere, exactly where the kind of violence which is a day-to-day element of political activity of any sort in Sri Lanka was conspicuous by its absence! Even provided that caveat, the three basic suggestions I am about to make are much more than relevant to a national constituency that is much more politically sophisticated than those of several functioning democracies.

1. Prior to election day (E-Day), canvassers require to to knock on each and every door in this nation to persuade each voter to cast his or her ballot on election day. Where attainable this foot-canvassing should be augmented by telephone canvassing with a properly-ready script, by telephone-canvassers who have been trained (specifically not to shed their tempers!)
2. And, on E-day, every work must be made to get every voter to the polls. Trying to exclude these suspected of supporting the present regime from such an effort would be a mug’s game because, with the climate of worry prevailing in this nation and what is going to be the unleashing of violence with no precedent by the incumbent government, extremely few are going to threat showing colours that would be deemed to be opposed to the incumbent.
3. Then comes, possibly the most critical element of E-Day: guaranteeing that the ballot boxes are not tampered with and that the votes are reported as cast. Even if, by some miracle that results in Mahinda Rajapaksa being elected to a third (illegal) term, it will have established a cornerstone of democratic practice that has all but disappeared from this country, thereby generating a considerable contribution to the rebuilding of that political culture at some point in the future.

Yes, dear reader, we do reside in fascinating times, and what we make of them is entirely up to each and every single one of us. Let not future generations say that we have been found wanting at a time when the very destiny of this nation will be determined.