Mawbima News

By Tisaranee Gunasekara &#8211

“Did this ever happen?” &#8211 Homer (The Iliad)

It was the defining moment of a decisive election. Mahinda Rajapaksa tries to plunge into a crowd of supporters in Akuressa to hammer a man who grabbed his hand. The video shows a visibly angry Mr. Rajapaksa, his other hand balled into a fist, prepared to take on the perpetrator of lèse majesté.

Soon following the video went viral, some Rajapaksa acolytes tried to depict the incident as a dry run for a future assassination attempt. Had the alleged finger-puller been a real or suspected enemy, he would not have escaped unscathed from the crowd. He was unharmed because the rest of the audience recognised him as a kindred spirit.

Mr. Rajapaksa stated that he felt fantastic pain (‘tharu penuna’ – I saw stars) when his finger was grabbed and there is no reason to doubt him. What is of relevance politically is his instinctive reaction to this injury. He did what anybody in a similar scenario would have accomplished, and attempted to pull his hand away. But his reaction did not cease there. He went a number of actions additional and did some thing most men and women, specifically these who are older and much more mature, would not have accomplished he raised his other hand threateningly and charged into the crowd to attack ‘the attacker’. Had his safety guards and supporters not dragged him away, the country would have witnessed the distinctive spectacle of its ex-president hammering an unknown man, in public.

That instinctive reaction tells a lot about Mahinda Rajapaksa, man and politician. He is a fighter, which was a single purpose he could beat Vellupillai Pirapaharan at the latter’s own game. He is, probably, a good decision for a nation at war, a country threatened by external or internal enemies. He is absolutely not a wise decision for a nation which is recovering from a extended and debilitating war, a country which is faced with the process of building a consensual peace. As Mr. Rajapaksa’s instinctive reaction to a perceived injury demonstrates, he is a man who sees threats and enemies exactly where there are none, a man who is prone to thoughtlessly violent options. That is precisely what this country does not need to have, at this historical moment.

Gratitude was theme of Mr. Rajapaksa’s 2010 presidential election campaign. An absolute majority of the electorate accepted that logic and voted him in. But Mr. Rajapaksa was a wartime leader and as such he was incapable of understanding, let alone handling, peacetime demands. He not only failed to implement political and socio-financial measures aimed at winning over the alienated Tamils. He implemented measures which infinitely exacerbated their alienation. Some measures had been strategic and sourced in his own project of familial rule and dynastic succession such as garrisoning the North. Some have been motivated by ideology, such as denying the existence of an ethnic difficulty and as a result the require for a political remedy. But really a couple of had been like his Akuressa behaviour, angry and vengeful reactions to a genuine or perceived injury. An outstanding case-in-point was banning the singing of the national anthem in Tamil this move was a reaction to the cancellation of Mr. Rajapaksa’s second Oxford Union Speech due to protests by Tamil Diaspora groups.

But perhaps the most deadly legacy of Mr. Rajapaksa’s aggressive politics was the antagonising of the Muslim neighborhood.

The Unending Search for Appropriate Enemies

For Lankan Tamils, the cruellest month had to be July. No defeat or tragedy which befell them was as universal as Black July. It was a common conflagration which spared no Tamil. Poor bottle-sellers and wealthy entrepreneurs, uneducated road-sweepers and highly certified experts, voters and politicians, Hindus and Christians, young and old, leftists and rightists, guys and females, every single Tamil was imperilled by it.

Final year, as Aluthgama burnt, it looked as if Black July will be repeated in June, this time with Lankan Muslims as its target. A private quarrel among a Buddhist monk, his Sinhala diver and three Muslims youths was exaggerated and depicted as an act of Muslim on Buddhist violence. As an alternative of moving swiftly to restore order, the Rajapaksa regime permitted the BBS to hold a public meeting in the middle of the simmering Aluthgama town. “In this country we nonetheless have a Sinhala police we still have a Sinhala army. Right after nowadays if a single Marakkalaya or some other paraya (alien) touches a single Sinhalese…..it will be their end,” [i] BBS reside-wire, Bhikku Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara thundered, as the police and the army watched. That is all the guardians of law and order could do, watch, simply because the energy-wielders had been on the side of the mob.

Virtually as quickly as the Eelam War was won, Sinhala-Buddhist extremist groups started inciting anti-Muslim hatred. The Rajapaksas responded with a nod and wink. In the resulting enabling environment, the BBS et al could say anything and do anything, with total impunity. Which policeman would lift a finger against the yellow-robed marauders, right after Gotabaya Rajapaksa attended a BBS function and praised BBS monks for engaging in a “nationally important task”[ii]?

Till Black July erupted, armed Tami groups, like the LTTE, had been starved of funds, arms, recruits, public sympathy and international assistance. Black July took care of every single a single of those issues, spectacularly. The rest is blood-soaked, death-raddled history.

The Aluthgama mini-riot warned that Sri Lanka was rushing headlong towards another cliff-edge, this time of religious conflict.

Deliverance came unexpectedly. Mahinda Rajapaksa held a presidential election two years ahead of time, and lost it. Deprived of state-patronage the BBS et al receded into ineffectuality. Abruptly, and with unbelievable rapidity, the air cleared as racial and religious toxicity decreased drastically. The poison did not vanish fully, but it ebbed to standard, bearable, non-threatening levels.

That alter indicated a basic truth. Anti-Muslim hatred did not come from beneath, from Sinhala society it emanated from above, from energy-wielders. Suspicion, aversion, perhaps even contempt and dislike, these feelings are organic on every side of the religo-racial divide but not murderous hate. That was an artificial construct, a deadly drama staged for political purposes. When the producer-directors were ousted from power on January 9^th, the manufactured-hate, deprived of life-assistance, died a all-natural death. Sri Lanka took a decisive step away from one more disaster and towards a largely peaceful future.

Sri Lanka is a pluralist nation. We want to create peaceful mechanisms to deal with the problems and tensions unavoidable in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society. It is the only possible path to a secure and stable future. Mahinda Rajapaksa did the opposite he turned ordinary differences into implacable divisions and tried to advantage from the resulting extremisms.

This was where Sri Lanka was headed when the presidential election intervened. This is the journey the Rajapaksas will resume if they win on August 17^th.

Protectors presuppose enemies and threats. As soon as the Tigers have been defeated, common religio-cultural differences had been repackaged as threats and yet another minority targeted as the next enemy. The anti-Halal campaign, which erupted with virulent suddenness, sowed worry and hate by the bushel, and vanished with equal suddenness, was an excellent case in point.

There is an intimate connection amongst anti-democratic politics and religious extremism. Actual and would-be despots see in intense versions of religion a weapon and a shield for their political projects. In Nigeria it was the encouragement accorded to intense forms of Christianity by the country’s military rulers which paved the way for the creation of that horror, Boko Haram. In Iraq, Premier al-Maliki’s Shia-supremacism created it possible for the IS to develop from nothingness to the monster it is today. It is an open secret that Myanmar’s military rulers are enabling/supporting Monk Wirathu and his 969 Movement. He had openly come out against Aung Sang Suu Kyi (regardless of her unprincipled refusal to condemn anti-Muslim violence) warning that chaos will result if she wins the presidency[iii].

For the duration of a keynote speech at the Kotelawala Defence Academy in 2014, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa characterised Sri Lanka as a nation confronted by a range of threats and enemies. He created distinct mention of Tamil extremists (national and international), left-wing extremists, Islamic extremists, criminal extremists, media extremists, Western extremists, anti-democratic extremists and irresponsible extremists[iv]. If the UPFA wins on August 17^th, that brand of politics, which sees an enemy in anybody who is not a servile supporter of the Rajapaksas, will return, a lot more combative and irrational than ever, determined to make sure that January eight^th does not take place, ever once again.

Character, Politics and National-fate

Mr. Rajapaksa is obviously incapable of understanding the difference amongst antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradictions. Any act, if it causes him a real or perceived injury, is observed as an act of aggression, enemy-action requiring a decapitating reaction. That was what Mr. Rajapaksa tried to do in Akureassa. He did not bother to feel or purpose he acted, and acted violently.

That was, for instance, the way he responded when then Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake incurred his wrath.

Offered Mr. Rajapaksa’s determination to take the nation back to the previous and his promises to ‘restore the rule of law’ the impeachment saga assumes a specific relevance. As US Ambassador Patricia Butenis mentioned in a classified cable (dated 24^th February 2010) Justice Bandaranaike was believed to be a Rajapaksa-loyalist[v]. A number of of her controversial decisions indicated this bias. In February 2010, Dr. Bandaranayake headed a bench which rejected Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s fundamental rights petition asking for release from detention till investigations against him are completed. The court accepted the Attorney General’s rather curious contention that till the investigation is concluded it is not feasible to establish whether there is any explanation to detain Gen. Fonseka. In September 2010, an additional bench headed by her approved the controversial 18^th Amendment, in 24 hours.

But Dr. Bandaranayake was no Mohan Peiris. She was biased but she was not an acolyte. And she did draw the line at rulings which blatantly violated the constitution. In December 2011, a bench headed by her decreed that the Town and Nation Arranging (Amendment) Bill can’t be presented to parliament with no the consent of all the provincial councils as land is a devolved subject. This controversial bill would have provided the Minister of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs the energy to take over any private land just by declaring it a ‘Protection Area’, ‘Conservation Area’, Architectural or Historic area’ or ‘Sacred Area’. Then in September 2012, a bench headed by her produced a related ruling vis-a-vis Basil Rajapaksa’s Divineguma Bill.

Within months a bogus impeachment motion was brought against her and she was hounded out of her post.

Either you are with us totally or we will destroy you totally was a key premise of Rajapaksa thinking and Rajapaksa rule.

Going by electoral statistics and trends, the UPFA will not win the upcoming election nor will it turn out to be the single largest celebration. Mr. Rajapaksa as a result will not turn into the prime minister. That is certainly fortunate, because back in power, he will plunge the nation into a series of conflicts. He will battle with President Maithripala Sirisena for energy and with the UNP and the JVP for Southern dominance. Inciting anti-minority sentiments will be a essential weapon in both these conflicts. The nation will grow to be embroiled in a chaotic scenario, as every institution (such as the military) is divided along pro-Rajapaksa and anti-Rajapaksa lines. Even the SLFP will not be spared, if the hostile treatment meted to these SLFP candidates who are not out-and-out supporters of Mr. Rajapaksa is something to go by.

Multiple confrontations, instability bordering on chaos, a country fractured beyond salvation, that is what a Prime Minister Rajapaksa will give us. He is not capable of something else.

The safety wants and issues of a country at peace are diametrically opposite to those of a nation at war. The last issue Sri Lanka needs nowadays is the return of the Akuressa Man.

---

[i] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iOxPJzlXDJs

[ii] Sri Lanka Mirror – 10.3.2013

[iii] http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/suu-kyi-presidency-bring-chaos-says-firebrand-monk.html

[iv] http://www.kdu.ac.lk/notices/news/82-events/214-sri-lanka-s-national-security-concerns-element-two

[v] https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/wikileaks-chief-justice-shirani-bandaranayake-is-a-rajapkasa-loyalist/

&#8220The most current incident of violence which took spot at Bloemendhal Road, Colombo clearly demonstrates the plans of these elements who reject the culture of good governance and their intent on winning elections by unleashing terror.&#8221 says the United National Party.

Issuing a statement the General Secretary of United National Party, Kabir Hashim mentioned &#8220The United National Celebration vehemently condemns this attack on a group of people who were peacefully engaged in Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s election campaign.

&#8220We will not leave room for retarding our efforts to establish a civilized political culture in Sri Lanka by this kind of uncivilized incidents. The Commissioner of Elections up to now has been able to conduct a peaceful election campaign inside the atmosphere of very good governance ushered in on 8th of January. It has been created attainable due to the clear stance of this government against acts of terror and lawlessness. We would like to emphatically state that we will not enable this type of cowardly brutal attacks to reverse the victory of very good governance. We request the safety establishment to initiate an immediate investigation into in this incident.

&#8220The United National Party in deep sorrow of the demise of a female party activist, who was killed for the duration of the election campaign supporting the celebration in its endeavor to consolidate the already accomplished victory of excellent governance, offers its deep condolences to the members of the bereaved family members. We also want speedy recovery to all our celebration members and other individuals who are hospitalised with serious injuries. We stress the need to be firm and not get discouraged by isolated incidents of this nature and all political parties, candidates and activists collectively act resolutely to make certain a peaceful election in the course of the next few days and attain our objective of consolidating very good governance.&#8221

The UN Higher Commissioner for Human Rights must respond right away to the yesterday&#8217s exposure by Channel four News relating to a UN initiated strategy to establish a domestic mechanism for accountability in Sri Lanka, the Tamil Civil Society Forum (TCSF) has stated right now.

&#8220The UN Higher Commissioner for Human Rights, if he is to sustain the dignity of his office, can’t be silent any longer&#8221, the TCSF stated in a statement.

We publish beneath the statement in complete

The Tamil Civil Society Forum takes critical note of the yesterday&#8217s exposure (28 July 2015) by Channel four News with regards to a UN initiated plan to establish a domestic mechanism for accountability in Sri Lanka. In a joint letter dated the 3rd of July 2015 signed by 15 civil society organizations from the Tamil majority North-East of Sri Lanka addressed to the UN Human Rights Commissioner we raised concerns about the UN in Sri Lanka&#8217s collaboration with the Government of Sri Lanka to set up a credible domestic mechanism in Sri Lanka. The concerns had been raised primarily based on a speech delivered by the UN Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka on 04 June 2015. The speech appears to have been primarily based on the UN Memo now exposed by Channel 4. In our letter we argued that these moves preempt the OISL report scheduled for release in September 2015. There has been no response to date to our letter from the UN in Sri Lanka or the Higher Commissioner&#8217s office, except for an acknowledgement of receipt from the UN Resident Coordinator&#8217s workplace. Complete text of our letter can be discovered right here.

The leaked document by Channel 4 provides for a domestic mechanism to be run by the Government of Sri Lanka with mere &#8216technical assistance&#8217 from the UN. We condemn and reject these moves hatched in secrecy to establish a domestic mechanism solely negotiated among the Government of Sri Lanka and the UN. The UN clearly does not see the Tamil folks as being partners in the method towards accountability in Sri Lanka, in spite of the truth the High Commissioner has repeatedly insisted on consultation with victims. TCSF has regularly maintained that establishing a credible domestic mechanism in Sri Lanka would be not possible. The UN Higher Commissioner for Human Rights, if he is to preserve the dignity of his workplace, cannot be silent anymore. He should respond quickly.

Kumaravadivel Guruparan &amp Elil Rajan
Co-Spokespersons, Tamil Civil Society Forum.

By Thrishantha Nanayakkara &#8211

I am not a political analyst of any sort nor an academic with professional expertise in politics. Nonetheless, this is the time all Sri Lankans attempt to make sense out of the country’s political history to take informed decisions. I just thought of sharing my particular thoughts about the part of the minor political parties. The glare of primary political parties frequently tends to make us overlook the part of minor opposition parties in the Sri Lankan parliament. We typically overlook that their composition and principles indicate key issues restricted to specific groups of citizens, which if neglected, can lead to social catastrophes even the majorities have to face.

I start with 1977 – 1989 parliament shown in figure 1, due to the fact it was based on a new constitution that introduced an executive presidency although keeping the republic introduced n 1972. In this parliament, United National Celebration (UNP) had 5/6 power in the parliament and the opposition was Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) with 18 seats from the North and East. The main league Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was lowered to 8 seats. President JR Jayewardene merely ignored the opposition and did what ever attainable to intimidate them. For instance, the leader of SLFP lost her civil rights, and rule of law was humiliated. When some judges have been publicly stoned by goons, the president merely said &#8211 “oh, it is individuals enjoying their democratic rights!”. TULF could not quit the parliament from passing laws to standardize education that introduced a quota for every district to send students to universities, worsening the Sinhala/Tamil media based standardization introduced in 1972. This benefited most parts of the South, but it was a huge blow to students in the North that had a great education system capable of sending larger numbers to National universities. This standardization began robust sentiments amongst Tamil students and pros living across the Globe to intensify the demand for a separate state where Tamils can take care of their personal affairs centered on a very good education method.

When I appear back at this era, I locate it difficult to think that JR Jayawardane administration chose a socialist method of introducing quotas for education, when he represented a much more capitalistic party that need to have as an alternative created the school system in the South and broadened opportunities in universities. Nonetheless, the relevance to the subject is that the opposition led by TULF was also weak to resist these moves. It only led to a loss of trust in democratic politics amongst the emerging radical Tamil youth.

JR Jayewardene administration skipped the Common election to be held in 1983. He knew that an election would price him the five/six powers in the parliament. As a result, he went for a referendum asking no matter whether the public was prepared to extend the same parliament for an additional 6 years. Apart from this energy hunger, his government had managed to intensify tribalistic politics each in the South and the North by cleverly instilling a sense of insecurity and paranoia in each communities. A tiny trigger was all that was required for a enormous racist civil blood bath. It occurred on 23rd July 1983 triggered by an ambush by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on an army troop. Sinhalese mobs killed Tamil civilians and burned their properties in Colombo at will. Not a single culprit was arrested, and it took JR Jayewardene administration 1 week to impose a curfew under stress primarily from Margaret Thatcher administration in UK. State media was higher in bashing the undue interference from the International Neighborhood. UK and India have been usually singled out. This introduced a new dimension to Sri Lankan politics – a threat of dividing the nation backed by the international community! A massive majority of Sri Lankans gobbled up this version strongly coined by state media that was under the iron fist of clever lawyer, JR Jayewardene. I am certain JR Jayewardene knew that the pressure from UK came due to lobbying of Tamil professionals in UK who were disgruntled by his policies to limit Tamil students from receiving into universities, and that from India came due to their personal perceived threat from unrests in Tamil Nadu due to refugee Tamils from Sri Lanka.

Figure-2 shows the 10th Sri Lankan parliament elected in 1989 &#8211 1994. We frequently ignore the fact that the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students (EROS) got 13 seats, and that they represented a important Tamil concern about standardization of education and ideologies of energy sharing as a solution to a lot of troubles with Colombo. It is also important to note that yet another ten seats were shared by TULF, ENDLF, EPRLF, and TELO due to mushrooming of Tamil radical parties proposing alternative views to bring in reforms. Obsessed with a clear majority power, common UNP led by president Ranasinghe Premadasa proved that the representation of the above Tamil parties in the parliament was in vein. This gave a clear legitimacy to LTTE to assassinate the leaders of the above parties in rapid succession to emerge as the sole visible force representing Tamils. We all know what befell on Sri Lanka as a consequence.

The scenario in the 1994 &#8211 2000 parliament is shown in figure-3. Note that the opposition re-organized under People’s Alliance (PA) to confront UNP, and EPDP overtook EROS in Tamil politics, which was later understood to be a shrewd but brief-sighted political maneuver of the two primary political parties to counter anti-Government Tamil politics. SLMC continued to use their block of four-7 votes to bargain with each primary parties. In this case, the primary consideration of key parties was to win SLMC and use EPDP to ignore the concerns put forward by all other Tamil parties who refused to kind coalitions with them or be proxies for them. LTTE continued to nourish on this dishonest management of the minor political parties.

The PA continued to hold power in the 11th parliament elected in year 2000 shown in figure-four. Emergence of JVP as the 3rd force (10 seats) with fragmented Tamil vote share among 4-parties (with 16 seats in total), and Sinhala Heritage with 1-seat introduced new dynamics in the minor party politics in the parliament. Even though Sinhala-Heritage won only 1 seat, it signified the solidification of Southern Nationalistic politics. JVP as well was much more aligned with Southern Nationalistic politics. This produced fragmented Tamil parties far more vulnerable to LTTE.

The result was a clear polarization of Nationalistic politics in the North and the South attracting an unprecedented level of International sympathy to LTTE led Tamil struggle. This, compounded by the economic crisis in 2000, forced another election in 2001 with a ceasefire agreement on the cards. This time UNP contested as a coalition like SLFP did in 1994. UNF got a clear mandate with 109 seats and PA was reduced to 77 seats as shown in figure-five. Even so, the president of the nation, Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumarathunga (CBK) was from PA. Note that the landscape of minor political parties changed significantly as well. JVP gained from ten seats in 2000 to 16 in 2001. All Tamil parties except EPDP got with each other to kind Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and kept their collective total at 15. EPDP was lowered to 2 from 9 in 1994.

What is noteworthy right here was that president CBK fought back, but she was left with the only choice of dissolving the parliament rather than buying a massive chunk of MPs from the ruling party, due to the fact the wedge formed by JVP and TNA with 31 seats amongst them created it unviable to go for the second choice. Nevertheless, she produced the Government significantly less desirable to best politicians in the Government get taking more than 3 crucial ministries – defense, interior, and media. She also declared a state of emergency and utilized state media, now below her handle, to convince the public that the country is in danger beneath the UNF government. When time was ripe, she dissolved the parliament in 2003.

The resulting 13th Sri Lankan parliament from 2004 – 2010 is shown in figure-6. Quite significantly, this time PA absorbed JVP to form UPFA, additional unifying southern Nationalistic leftist politics. Note that this was accompanied by the growth of Sinhala-Heritage (1-seat in 2000) to a considerable Southern nationalistic political force called Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) with 9-seats in 2004. It additional consolidated the polarization of Northern and Southern Nationalistic politics into two clear foci &#8211 one particular growing while feeding the other. It is signified by a clear rise of TNA that was often accused of representing LTTE in the parliament to 22 seats. This polarization inevitably produced breeding grounds for a complete-scale war between the LTTE and the Government.

Figure-7 shows the 2010 – 2015 parliament. This reflects the mentality of the nation following the war came to an end in 2009. We notice that EPDP was now openly a portion of UPFA. JHU also was openly absorbed to UPFA. TNA dropped from 22 in 2004 to 14 in 2010 forcing them to re-think about their character and identity in the post-war era. Often EPDP was credited for reaching this by empowering UPFA in the North. JVP that contested seperately was dropped to 7, mainly due to a lack of clarity about the distiction from UPFA in their post-war politics. Though UNF won 60 seats, a mass cross-over (typically said to be a mass buy-over) brought president Mahinda Rajapaksa two/three power in the parliament. The outcome was a jumbo cabinet of ministers (Prime Minister + ten Senior Ministers + 54 Ministers + two Project Ministers + 38 Deputy Ministers). This was made feasible by the weak wedge formed by the minor political parties (just 21 seats between JVP and TNA with none from other minor parties).

Figure -7: 2010 Sri Lankan parliament (supply https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/14th_Sri_Lankan_Parliament).

Once again, the country spiraled down the path of Nationalistic polarization. TNA grew in reputation in the North and the East, although UPFA led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa continued to thrive on Nationalistic politics with an iron fist on state media. A quantity of independent media personnel lost their lives, and ultra-Nationalistic groups like Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) enjoyed total impunity in harassing Muslims. One more ethnic catastrophe was in the formation.

Due to some magical turn of events, upbeat President Rajapaksa decided to go for the next presidential election two years in advance of schedule in January 2015. A quantity of senior ministers in the UPFA led by party secretary Maithripala Sirisena defected. The whole opposition united under the presidential candidate Maithripala Sirisena to contest against Mahinda Rajapaksa. Probably, this was the riskiest political choice taken by Maithripala Sirisena in his entire life that ended in a good results. What is important to note right here is that what was expected to finish up in an ethnic blood bath ended up in a radical shift in the politics of minor political parties. JVP openly stressed upon the need to have for National reconciliation. TNA that grew in energy in the North and East showed much more flexibility to negotiate with the Central Government. In response, the Central Government appointed a civilian as the Governor of the North and East and solved a number of issues like releasing 425 acres of army-occupied lands back to civilians by means of a method of dialog. Nationalistic JHU split into two with a tough-core Nationalistic section remaining supportive to Mahinda Rajapaksa. The other section showed improved flexibility towards reconciliation efforts.

This is the backdrop on which we are going for the basic election in August 2015. Once again, I want to stress on the significance of the minor party politics in the parliament. Whenever, a main celebration secured undue power, they chose to do divisive and Nationalistic politics brewing a polarization among North and the South. The antidote appears to be a powerful minor party block that appreciates the need to have for great governance, rule of law, democracy, and National reconciliation. Traditionally, minor standard leftist parties and the Muslim Congress have settled down to conform with the ruling celebration in exchange of ministerial positions. Therefore, that block should come from minor parties that have traditionally stood by their principles. Due to this purpose, I would dream of that block to come from TNA and JVP with a powerful will to defend above National priorities and to hold the main parties accountable for it, so that they will do much more of that politics to win over the vote base of minor parties than undertaking far more of Nationalistic and divisive politics. Having said that, I would strongly urge JVP to abandon their classic tactics of waiting till a disaster occurs to make their point, and to be a a lot more active driving force in the opposition with determination to engage positively.

The Tamil National Alliance – Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi  &#8211 Parliamentary Election Manifesto &#8211 2015

At the time of independence from colonial rule in 1948, Ceylon was foisted with a unitary variety constitution with easy majoritarian rule. In 1949 a sizeable number of Tamils of current Indian origin were disenfranchised. State aided colonization of the preponderantly Tamil Speaking territory, specifically the Eastern Province, with the majority community intensified. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) was formed as a consequence in December 1949. In this background in April 1951 the ITAK articulated its claim that the Tamil Folks in Ceylon have been a Nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every test of nationhood and have been consequently entitled to the right to self-determination. As a essential corollary to the physical exercise of this proper, we demanded a federal arrangement in the North and the East, where the Tamil Speaking Peoples are a predominant majority. In 1956 Sinhala was made the only official language of the country, once again by the use of the parliamentary majority that was offered to the majority community. Various peaceful agitations were organized amongst this time and the late 1970s to win back the right to self-determination that was lost first by means of foreign conquests and later due to a program of government that reinforced majoritarian hegemony not accepted by the Tamil Folks. Agreements had been also entered into between two Prime Ministers, SWRD Bandaranaike and Dudley Senanayake, and SJV Chelvanayakam, the leader of the Tamil Men and women in 1957 and 1965 respectively, relating primarily to the alienation of state land in the North-East, to guarantee the linguistic and cultural identity of the North-East. Each had been unilaterally abrogated by the governments of the day. In 1961 the ITAK carried out a enormous satyagraha campaign involving thousands of Tamil speaking Peoples in the North and the East, peacefully engaged in prayer resulting in the entrances to the Government Agents’ offices (Kachcheris) in the North-East being peacefully obstructed and government administration in the North and East becoming fully paralysed.

In 1970 a Constituent Assembly was formed to enact an autochthonous constitution. ITAK also participated in this exercise and urged the inclusion of provisions to share powers of governance with the Tamil Speaking Peoples in the North-East on the basis of shared sovereignty inside a united nation in maintaining with their democratic verdicts. Those proposals have been defeated by majority votes and the members of the ITAK left the Constituent Assembly. Similarly the Tamil Individuals did not grant their consent to the enactment of the 1978 Constitution. Hence the very first and second Republican constitutions possessing entrenched a Unitary State, continued with Sinhala as the only official languageand gave Buddhism the foremost place. These constituions were enacted with out the consent of the Tamil Men and women.

Systematic State-sponsored colonization was carried out given that independence in 1948 in order to adjust the demographic pattern of the North-East, which are the regions of historical habitation of the Tamil Speaking Peoples. This has continued with complete vigour in the North and the East after the end of the war in 2009. The government retains an oppressive army presence in the Northern Province and has engaged in acquiring massive tracts of land for &#8216military purposes&#8217.

In addition to the acts of discrimination, which includes standardization which affected the tertiary education of the Tamil youth and occasioned discrimination in employment in the state sector, organized violence was periodically unleashed against the Tamil Men and women in the nation in 1956, 1958, 1961, 1977, 1981 and 1983. No protection was supplied by the State to the Tamil victims. On these occasions, impacted Tamil Men and women from other parts of the country had been transported by the State by land, sea and air to the North and East recognizing these two provinces to be their homeland.
Power SHARING ARRANGMENTS

Quickly after the anti-Tamil pogram in 1983, attempts have been produced to solve the Tamil national question by indicates of an alternate political arrangement in which greater autonomy would be granted to the Tamil Speaking Peoples. An arrangement was introduced in 1987 consequent to the Indo-Lanka Accord. These alterations paved the way for the setting up of Provincial Councils with minimal powers, and promises had been produced at the highest levels that it will be enhanced upon. Several such attempts resulted in the 1993 Mangala Munasinghe Select Committee Proposals during President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s term, the Government&#8217s proposals for constitutional reform of 1995, 1997 and 2000 beneath President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and the APRC multi-ethnic expert committee majority report in December 2006 under President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Whilst no progress was getting created on the political front to resolve the burning national issue, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) continued its armed struggle. Successive governments entered into negotiations with the LTTE and in February 2002 the LTTE and the Government of Sri Lanka signed a Ceasefire Agreement and later in December 2002 agreed on a set of principles named the Oslo Communiqué, which stated  “[T]o explore a remedy founded on the principle of internal self determination in places of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking Peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.”

MILITARY ONSLAUGHT AND ITS AFTERMATH

Nevertheless, the ceasefire did not last and hostilities broke out among the government forces and the LTTE with the military confrontation coming to an end on 19th May 2009. The 30 year old hostilities and war has ravaged the Tamil speaking North-East and left the Tamil Individuals destitute. More than One Million Tamils have fled to other countries for security and yet another half a million Tamils were displaced inside the country. Over One particular Hundred and Fifty Thousand Tamils have been killed over the years of the conflict and credible estimates point to more than seventy thousand civilians obtaining been killed in the last stages of the military onslaught. Many far more have been maimed and grievously injured and endure from traumatic disorders. In addition over 500,000 Tamil people have been rendered homeless. Most have been interned in detention camps against all civilized and international norms. The appropriate of resettlement of these individuals in their original areas, even though promised to the international neighborhood and to the United Nations, have not been honoured.

TAMIL Individuals AND THE PRESESENT CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS

We, the Tamil Men and women of Sri Lanka are a distinct Individuals in terms of relevant International Conventions and Covenants. We as a Individuals want to continue to live in our nation in peaceful co-existence with others, with dignity and self-respect, with freedom and liberty and with out worry, as equal citizens free from majoritarian hegemony.

We as a Individuals are as a result concerned about our historical habitats, our Collective Rights that accrue to us as a Individuals and as a Nation and our entitlement to workout our proper to determine our destiny to make certain self-government in the Tamil Speaking North-East of the nation inside a united and undivided Sri Lanka.

The present constitutional arrangements in this regard have proved to be inadequate and unsatisfactory. They favour the majority and impose majoritarian hegemony on the Tamil Men and women. Democracy in a plural society cannot function effectively without a constitutional framework that offers for equity, equality, justice, peace and security. It is in this context that we face the forthcoming Parliamentary Election.

The TNA firmly believes that sovereignty lies with the People and not with the State. It is not the government in Colombo that holds the right to govern the Tamil Men and women, but the Men and women themselves. In this regard the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka is flawed in that power is concentrated at the Centre and its Agent, the Governor. Our political philosophy is rooted in a fundamental democratic challenge to the authoritarian state. We made a important contribution towards the achievement of these objectives on the 8th of January 2015 in the entire country. Our political programme is therefore rooted in the needs and aspirations of all folks including the Tamil Speaking Peoples for justice and equality.

OUR STAND ON A POLITICAL Resolution

The principles and specific constitutional provisions that the TNA considers to be paramount to the resolution of the national question relate mainly to the sharing of the powers of governance by means of a shared sovereignty amongst the Peoples who inhabit this island. The following salient characteristics of power sharing are fundamental to achieving genuine reconciliation, lasting peace and improvement for all the Peoples of Sri Lanka:

• The Tamils are a distinct Folks with their personal culture, civilization, language and heritage and from time immemorial have inhabited this island collectively with the Sinhalese People and other people
• The contiguous preponderantly Tamil Speaking Northern and Eastern provinces is the historical habitation of the Tamil Individuals and the Tamil Speaking Peoples
• The Tamil Men and women are entitled to the proper to self-determination in keeping with United Nations International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and Financial, Social and Cultural Rights, both of which Sri Lanka has accepted and acceded to
• Power sharing arrangements must continue to be established as it existed earlier in a unit of a merged Northern and Eastern Provinces based on a Federal structure. The Tamil speaking Muslim historical inhabitants shall be entitled to be beneficiaries of all energy-sharing arrangements in the North-East. This will no way inflict any disability on any People.
• Devolution of power on the basis of shared sovereignty shall be over land, law and order, enforcement of the law so as to make certain the security and security of the Tamil Folks, socio-economic development like inter-alia overall health, education, higher and vocational education, agriculture, fisheries, industries, livestock development, cultural affairs, mustering of resources, each domestic and foreign and fiscal powers.
• Direct foreign investment in the North-East should be facilitated resulting in new industries and employment opportunities becoming developed for youth
• Avenues for tertiary education ought to also be set-up so that those who can’t enter universities can pursue greater education in relevant fields

All that has been stated above shall be enacted and implemented inside the framework of a united and undivided Sri Lanka.

OUR STAND ON ACCOUNTABILITY AND RECONCILIATION

Accountability and reconciliation are basic to genuine and permanent peace in Sri Lanka. We seek fulfilment of the resolutions adopted at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in March 2012, March 2013, and March 2014 and the Report of the international investigation mandated by the March 2014 resolution to be released in September 2015. We are strongly committed to the ascertainment of the truth which have to be created public and recognized to all the peoples of this nation, the Sinhalese, the Tamils, the Muslims and other individuals Truth, justice, reparation and the guarantee of non-recurrence are basic to the national query getting comprehensively addressed so as to guarantee permanent and genuine reconciliation among the diverse peoples on the basis of justice and equality.

MATTERS OF Instant CONCERN FOR THE TAMIL Men and women

In addition to continuing to pursue a just and lasting political solution to the national ethnic query, we will actively engage in addressing the quick and present issues of our Folks. The specific matters are as follows:

• There must be meaningful de-militarization resulting in the return to the pre-war scenario as it existed in 1983 just before the commencement of hostilities by the removal of armed forces, military apparatuses and High Safety/Restricted Zones from the Northern and Eastern Provinces. This is imperative in the prevailing calm and peaceful environment
• Tamil Men and women who have been displaced in the North and the East due to the conflict need to be speedily resettled in their original areas housing supplied and livelihoods restored in a manner that respects their dignity &#8211 After the defeat of the former regime in January 2015 and due to the persistent and indefatigable efforts of the TNA over the past several years and since January 2015, decisions have been taken by the new regime for the return of the lands to and the resettlement of the displaced Tamil Folks in Valikamam in the North and Sampur in the East which are becoming currently implemented. Action will be expeditiously pursued to fulfil these objectives. 1,000 acres of farm land has also been released in Keppapulavu in Mullaithivu.
• Because six years have elapsed right after the conclusion of the war, all political and other prisoners held below the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in relation to war-related activities have to be released. The TNA has been pressing for their release and for the abrogation of the PTA and will continue to strenuously pursue this objective.
• There need to be finality reached by the truth becoming ascertained with regard to thousands of missing persons who had been largely bread-winners of their households and adequate multi-faceted relief offered to the mentioned families so as to enable them to overcome their agony and recommence lives.
  Tamils who fled the country should be permitted to return to their houses and a conducive atmosphere produced for their return. In particular, expeditious measures must be taken for the return of more than 100,000 refugees in South India.
• A comprehensive programme for the development of the North and the East which includes the creation of employment possibilities for the youth will be undertaken with the active help of the Sri Lankan State, the Tamil Diaspora and the International Community. It was not achievable to implement such a programme throughout the term of the former regime due to its adverse attitude and considering that January 2015 the country has not had a strong and steady government. The TNA would actively market the accomplishment of such a programme when a new government is established.
• The TNA will initiate a programme to rehabilitate all minor tanks in the North-East so as to improve the water sources for our agricultural wants and will also take severe methods, with needed specialist aid to resolve the drinking water issue in the North.
• A extensive development programme will be undertaken in the North-East, such as upgrading the Palali airport as an international airport, and building sea ports and fisheries harbours.
• Relevant knowledge and technologies will be obtained so as to modernise the utilization of our palmyrah resources.
• We will locate options for the challenges faced by our fishermen in freely pursing their vocation and make every effort to increase their livelihood.

WAR WIDOWS, ORPHANS, ELDERS AND DISABLED

The war has left behind practically 90,000 widows in the North-East. There is a need to have for a clear policy to build their capacity and uplift their lives. These widows have turn out to be economically and socially vulnerable. Adequate measures should be taken to swiftly and successfully develop livelihood programmes and other essential measures to alleviate their present situation. The wants of youngsters, elders and disabled also need to have to be addressed.

REHABILITATION OF EX-MILITANTS

The rehabilitation of ex-militants have to be complete making certain the acquisition of essential abilities and the creation of employment opportunities to allow them to recommence lives with dignity. Programmes that have been implemented hence far have been inadequate and the ex-militants have not been capable to earn their livelihood or recommence their lives with dignity. An early programme of action is necessary to address this situation.

THE BREAKDOWN OF Classic SOCIAL STRUCTURES

The current structure of government which excludes meaningful Tamil participation in powerful governance and substituting therefor the military in the North-East, post-war, has resulted in the boost of gender primarily based violence, abuse of alcohol and drugs and the common breakdown of standard social structures. The only way in which this can be remedied is via powers of governance getting efficiently exercised by democratically elected representatives of the individuals.

THE Role OF THE INTERNATIONAL Neighborhood

The Tamil Folks have often worked with commitment towards a reasonable and acceptable resolution of the national ethnic query through domestic processes. It is the Sri Lankan state which has spurned these possibilities and sought to suppress the Tamil People by way of repeated anti-Tamil pograms. It was such conduct on the part of the Sri Lankan state that internationalized the national question and compelled the Sri Lankan state to accept an international part. Tamil militancy, which also was an inevitable consequence, has now ended.
The former regime endeavoued to undo even the minimum progress achieved via international involvement. The TNA is firmly of the view that international auspices is inevitable to obtain permanent peace through genuine reconciliation thereby enabling all Peoples living in Sri Lanka to live as equal citizens.

CONCLUSION

The TNA calls upon the voters in the electoral districts of Jaffna, Vanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara to unitedly and overwhelmingly exercise their franchise in favour of the TNA, contesting below the name of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi and the “House” symbol and thereby democratically endorse, to the fullest degree, policies of the TNA enunciated right here in regard to essential problems of fundamental concern to the Tamil and Tamil speaking Peoples as set out in this Manifesto.

This Manifesto is issued by the TNA comprising of ITAK, TELO, EPRLF and PLOTE.

&#8220Islam is a religion of mercy and tolerance that totally prohibits the taking of innocent lives. There is no theological basis for any crimes to be committed via terrorism or violence. The Muslims of Sri Lanka join Islamic scholars and Muslim leaders around the world to condemn with out any reservation the ISIS and its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi for failing to respect important tenants of Islam. Their actions are un-Islamic and inhumane.

&#8220While we want to emphasize that these are actions of misguided people, we contact upon Your Excellency and the Government of Sri Lanka to conduct a thorough investigation, punish all who may possibly have violated the laws of the land, and guarantee that no more Sri Lankans are misled in to joining any terrorist movement.

&#8220As civil society representatives of Muslims, we commit to support in any investigation and action that would be initiated by the government.&#8221

According to the media reports, a karate master from Galewela, identified in the Islamic State as Abu Shuraih Sailani (not the real name) who has been reportedly killed in Syria in an air strike last week is stated to be the first Sri Lankan member of the ISIS. Abhu Shuraih Sailani, 37, following finishing his GCE O/L, has pursued Islamic studies with fantastic zeal mastering Hadith science and continued on modern Fiqh (The theory or philosophy of Islamic law, primarily based on the teachings of the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet), finishing his LLB in Shariah Law from the International Islamic University in Pakistan.

By Sumanasiri Liyanage &#8211

In excellent old days, debates in the Sri Lankan Parliament were rich not with nonsense, banality and filth but with substantive arguments, creative vision and humor. Also it is intriguing to note that the debates had been dominated by the left leaders. Speaking at the Spending budget debate in the late 1960s, the Common Secretary of the Communist Celebration of Sri Lanka, Pieter Keuneman, said that this price range and the policies of the UNP government had demonstrated clearly its “economic sterility, political impotency and administrative incapacity”. In this column, I argue focusing more on the economic management that this description is more valid in portraying the policies and the overall performance of the government of the January 8 coalition than that of the UNP government of Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake. It is interesting to note that Comrade Pieter Keuneman did not speak about corrupt practices of the Dudley Senanayake’s government as widespread corruption was not a phenomenon in pre 1977 UNP governments. Had a day time robbery like what had happened recently at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka occurred below his rule Dudley Senanayake would have resigned quickly from the post of PM. Of course, it is tough to anticipate that type of moral behavior from the politicians in this neo-liberal phase.

Let me come to my primary argument. The statements by the spokesperson of the January 8 coalition who have been later responsible for financial management had demonstrated without having any doubt that they had been clueless on the issues and had not possessed a clear strategy for economic development of the country. Prior to the Presidential election, I wrote in this column about this sterility of improvement pondering in Maitripala Sirisena’s election plan. This was what I wrote: &#8220Champika Ranawaka has a formula and Candidate Sirisena has just copied it in verbatim in his manifesto. This formula has a close affinity with Narendra Modi’s plan. No matter whether the economists of Modi government believes it or not, Modi gave a lot of publicity to the idea that bringing black funds deposited in foreign banks would give substantial impetus to the economy.&#8221 Candidate Sirisena proposes: “By stopping mega corruption and wastage alone I will act to supply the nation with development ten instances that of the last six years and offer relief to the people”. Anybody who knows ABC of economics or one with just frequent sense could not accept this theory even although 1 assumes that corruption and waste are substantial. Modiconomics is not working in India, so will be the Sirisenomics.’ The UNP spokesperson, Eran Wickramathne also reiterated the same logic of locating required capital for improvement by eliminating waste and corruption.

Prior to the election, in addition to myself, R.M.B Senanayake and Hema Senanayake had also pinpointed this shallow idea of developing nation by transferring money reclaimed from the people who were engaged in corrupt practices to development projects. It is not essential to inform time and once more, the money that is recovered (which is a stock) does not provide a continuous flow of capital required for improvement. In the pre-election period, January 8 coalition supporters tried to inflate the quantity money that could be reclaimed with the assistance of the international banking program. Even so, in the last six months, the UNP government failed to reclaim a single penny from this allegedly stolen money. Hence, it is not a surprise to see that the complete notion of financial improvement collapsed as a result of more than emphasized faith on this shallow notion.

Considering that January 8, the country has witnessed the sterility of this “strategy” as the so-called rainbow coalition had to depend far more and far more taking income even to run a day to day enterprise of the government.

As I discussed in this column many a time, the UPFA government had simultaneously adopted two techniques of economic development. One I called ‘Jayasundara strategy’ and the other “Basil Rajapaksa strategy’. These two have been combined into a single strategy by the Secretary to the treasury. In my writings both in Sinhala and English, I have made an try to reflect critically on these two methods and shown their inherent drawbacks. General, as I pointed out, UPFA method was a outcome of mixing ‘developmentalist state model’ with neoliberalism. Therefore, it failed create anticipated final results. On the other hand, the past six months, we have witnessed under the UNP regime a ‘strategyless situation’. Its whole policy package was primarily based on ‘tactics’, techniques of winning elections. Eran Wickramaratne, in a single of the Tv interviews, accepted that the UNP government had not even thought about financial improvement as it concentrated on giving some benefits to individuals.

So the United National Party that placed so significantly faith on making use of wasted cash on improvement had later turned into strategy much less economic management. A movement from shallow method to method-much less policies. The outcome of this miserable circumstance was a decline of growth rate, rise in unemployment, falling living standards and half-carried out improvement projects.

The microcosm that funnily revealed this pathetic predicament is the road that I utilised every day. It is in Kadirana and comes under Katana Pradeshiya Sabha. It was a gravel road that cannot be used in rainy season. And the folks who use this road produced several requests to repair it. Portion of the road was redone placing tar just prior to the January eight election. It was not a very good job, a job hurriedly carried out. Nonetheless, all worked stopped right after the election. We thought they may restart once the election fever subsided. Absolutely nothing occurred. So the outcome, half tarred road with lots of bumps (UPFA economic plan) and the second half with muddy holes (UNP economic system). When I was asked by one of the newspaper journalist how I see the modify that occurred in January 8. I cited this situation of the road that I use every day. Does the UNP led coalition now have an economic technique? Not yet clear. Champika Ranawaka on behalf of the United National Front for Excellent Governance has not too long ago informed that they would in next five years adopt ‘social industry economy’. I think that Champika Ranawaka borrowed this notion from Dr Harsha de Silva although he put it as its own creation. Social market place economy was the correct wing version of social democracy. It produced some optimistic outcomes for the duration of ‘late capitalism’ specially in Germany. However, it is now an abandoned method and in the context of neoliberal globalization, it does not have practical relevance.

Pieter Keuneman’s phrase that the UNP’s vision and policies on economy is sterile and senile is also valid for these days. It is the dominant celebration in the January coalition. It does not have an financial method that could take the country out of the financial mess. It will just follow the neoliberal agenda developed by the Washington consensus. The identical measures that Germany has imposed on Greece. Chinese military strategist cum philosopher Sun Tzu wrote “Strategy with out techniques is the slowest route to victory. Techniques with no method is the noise ahead of defeat”.

*The writer is the Dean, Faculty of Management and Finance, SANASA Campus (private capacity) &#8211 e-mail: [email protected]

Shell Gas, the biggest player in the Sri Lanka’s gas market at one particular point, is set to return to the country’s market by edging out Litro Gas, the state run gas firm.

A delegation from Shell is scheduled to hold discussions with Lankan authorities on Monday over the comeback bid, Colombo Telegraph is now in a position to reveal.

However, it learnt that Shell has got the green light to re-enter into Lankan market place with out a appropriate tender process. This year, 34 firms had sent tender applications to be Sri Lanka’s gas supplier. Nonetheless, Shell has managed to circumvent the tender method and has now turn out to be the front-runner for the bid.

Shell had close connections with Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake and former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.

Shell had to pull out of Sri Lanka soon after the government purchased back Royal Dutch Shell&#8217s stake in the part privatized gas firm, Shell Gas Lanka. Shell’s decision to sell followed long operating quarrels with the Government more than the price at which the business could sell gas in the country. The $ 63 million sale returns the LP gas enterprise in Sri Lanka to one hundred% state ownership.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government had been at loggerheads with the oil and gas giant over the price tag at which gas is sold: the government insisted gas be sold at significantly less than international market rates.

Following the improvement, Litro gas was formed by the Sri Lankan government with Sri Lanka Insurance coverage becoming its majority shareholder. Litro gas is presently the largest player in the Lankan gas business.

Shell’s comeback bid is likely to jeopardize the operations of the state-run Litro Gas, market sources told Colomb Telegraph on Saturday.

By Ranga Kalansooriya &#8211

It was from zero to hero final January – within six months hero to zero – but again on Tuesday this week President Maithripala Sirisena attempted to revive his position back – from zero to hero. So far he has been successful but the SLFP’s tug of war is now in the courts.

This is politics in Sri Lanka. Never a dull moment – and full of surprises. In reality the whole landscape of modern politics in Sri Lanka was usually designed and destined by surprises. If we analyse at least past 25 years – assassination of President Premadasa, Gamini – Lalith assassinations, Chandrika’s emergence and her second term Presidency thanks to LTTE suicide bomb, Mahinda’s victory in 2005 thanks to LTTE’s boycott of northern votes, Maithri’s candidature and his victory, and also the developments thereafter for the past six months were ideal case studies for such political surprises.

These 3 cartoons appeared in media within final six weeks are excellent examples to the turn of events within a quick span of time. Cartoonists send a humorous but sturdy social message relates socio-political troubles or personalities and this is how Dasa Hapuwalana of Lankadeepa explained the current political developments of the nation, mostly with regard to the conduct of the President. But the cat is out of the bag now and we see a heavy internal battle within SLFP, the principal constituent celebration of the UPFA right after the “ballistic missile attack” on Mahinda by Maithri.

He, for the duration of the significantly awaited speech, justified retaining SLFP and UPFA Chairmanship beneath tremendous pressure even though attempting to clarify how it was important in delivering the one hundred-day promises in a battle by means of Parliament. President’s repeated claims about a Prime Minister of 47 seats in a 225 member Parliament was a signal that he himself had to manage Parliament battles single-handed, even to the extent of protected guarding the minority government against no-confident motions. Also he exposed clandestine plans to bring Rajapaksa back as Prime Minister following the no-confident motion against Wickremesinghe.

This speech spelt out the reasons for his silence and clarified his stand, considerably to the relief of Yahapalana supporters. But against several odds, he in no way stated that he was cornered and pushed to the wall by his own two common secretaries – Anura Yapa and Susil Premajayath, the most strong duo of his camp primarily during an election period. Also he by no means explained how Rajapaksa camp got strengthened day by day – against all his attempts to thwart their plans and retain his grip inside the celebration.

Rajapaksa who assured his political retirement on January eight night at a closed door meeting with Ranil Wickremesinghe and requested his and his family members security (as we study in media), very first created his appearance via a window frame in Medamulana within 48 hrs of his defeat. And then he went up to his roof-best with a megaphone to address a crowd in front of his house two days later, followed by day-to-day temple visits cum politico-religious rallies, established an electoral workplace in Abhayaramaya, Narahenpita and then established a sturdy wing inside the Darley Road SLFP headquarters. His buddies began rallies from Nugegoda without having him on stage but at the last 1 in Matara he did not get into the political stage but got on a parapet wall to watch the rally. Maithri was watching the expansion of Rajapaksa camp – not day by day but on hourly basis &#8211 and responding to each single action of Rajapaksa in an try to retain his grip inside the SLFP and UPFA, but he continued to fail. Maithri was a solitary fighter in that game.

Against all gossips of a newly emerging Mahinda – Maithri coalition, the President categorically claimed that his hostility towards Rajapaksa nevertheless remains intact and he was still against grating nominations to his predecessor. As explained via his own words Maithree had three options. Very first was to resign from his party leadership – but it will let Rajapaksa to comfortably replace him as party leader and run for polls at a point of strength. Hence, he did not want it to come about. The second selection was to deny his nominations – and the Rajapaksa camp was ready with a robust strategy B along with prepared nomination lists, party symbols and manifestos exactly where once again he would emerge from a position of strength. The third was to give Rajapaksa and his cronies with nominations against all his wishes. One particular comment that appeared on social media after Maithri’s Tuesday speech was “Maithree pumped air into the balloon of Rajapaksa, let it go up and shot at it with a sharp bullet.”

Maithri’s decision to accept SLFP/UPFA leadership was broadly criticized but his explanations could be justifiable – mostly to gain Parliamentary support for the implementation of his election pledges. But he failed to retain his grip as the party leader. Why? What was the mistake? To my thoughts he made a fundamental error in retaining the exact same office bearers who served below Rajapaksa regime, who back-stabbed him throughout the nomination battle. Anura Yapa was a strong confidante of Rajapaksa who was appointed to numerous accountable positions by the latter in order to safeguard the political interests of the regime. Remember the Parliamentary Pick Committee to oust the Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake that conducted a speedy approach inside a few weeks below Yapa’s Chairmanship? Thereafter Yapa was ‘gifted’ with a effective ministerial portfolio. Who was the quick decision of Rajapaksa as the party basic secretary when Maithri defected him at a essential presidential elections? Hence, how can 1 count on Yapa to alter his loyalty towards Maithri against Mahinda? A couple of changes in the party central committee did not bring him desired final results. Each Susil and Yapa played a vital function against their party leader to favor Rajapaksa.

On the other hand, Maithri claimed that all his attempts have been to steer clear of a split inside the SLFP. As Gamini Viyangoda, the convenor of the Purawesi Balaya explained Maithri place his celebration just before the country. But be that as it might, I am puzzled no matter whether Maithri – with his 49-year knowledge in politics – did not fore see the truth that a split within the SLFP rank was imminent what ever decision he would make out of the above mentioned 3 choices. He opted for the final selection – provide nomination to Rajapaksa and then stab him in the back. 1 could very easily argue that, the last selection would destroy all the plans of Rajapaksa and make him but nothing at all at the common elections – as other two choices would make him a strong candidate. But now it is clear that Maithri is not with Rajapaksa camp, Mahinda will not be appointed Prime Minister even he manage to secure majority seats, or even the opposition leader post. The final point that Mahinda can expect is to turn into is a Member of Parliament for Kurunegala District.

Who has carried out et tu brute now?