Category: Foreign Affairs

By Nimesh Samarasinghe &#8211

I had the privilege of spending two weeks in Sri Lanka on holiday in the course of July. Contemplating that a parliamentary election is looming, I took every single opportunity to speak to ordinary men and women from different backgrounds both in and outdoors Colombo, so as to recognize the realities of regional politics at ground level. As ‘very good governance’ had been a buzz word during the current presidential election, I was especially interested in understanding the correlation of this term with the election of sincere candidates, as opposed to corrupt ones. Although some folks had been in a position to make clear distinctions amongst excellent governance and corruption, other individuals saw a fine line between the two.

The war against ‘corruption’ and the fight for &#8216good governance’ have been mantras of the UNP-led opposition coalition that supported the election of the presidential candidate Maithripala Sirisena on 8th January 2015. It was a successful campaign that denied Mahinda Rajapaksa a third term in executive office. Maithripala Sirisena’s election campaign had highlighted the alleged corruption, lawlessness and nepotism levelled against the Rajapaksa administration, and it’s resultant failure to provide the benefits of brisk economic growth to the majority of voters.

This parliamentary election campaign is now at its peak, and the usual ‘politicking’ by parties and candidates concerned will quickly come to a closure. Appreciating that circumstances are diverse when it comes to voter behavior throughout presidential and common elections, the focus of this write-up will be on voter behavior when electing honest or corrupt political parties and their candidates at the upcoming parliamentary election. My views are grounded in political, policy and social science investigation performed in numerous components of the globe and of course some of my views on voter turnout, and the most likely outcome of the forthcoming general election.

Information on corrupt politicians

There is excellent proof indicating that a true or perceived lack of data by voters may possibly reward corrupt politicians due to the inability to distinguish in between clean and corrupt politicians. This association seems to stem each from very informed voters’ higher understanding and far better understanding of incumbents’ involvement in corruption. Throughout the not too long ago concluded Sri Lankan presidential election, social media played an outstanding role in electing the existing president. Social media informed voters about alleged corruption and nepotism inside the Rajapaksa regime and emphasised the need for very good governance and a adjust in the administration. Contemplating that Sri Lanka is moving towards a digital age at a quick pace, it was a sensible move for the UNP-led coalition to use far more of social media throughout their presidential election campaign, moving away from election posters and cutouts. It was an election exactly where the energy of social media was clearly demonstrated as a campaign tool in bringing down a government for the very first time in Sri Lanka. It is not surprising that majority of those standing for parliamentary elections are attempting to utilise social media to its full possible in their fight for the preferential vote and to expose corrupt parties and candidates. Nevertheless, in terms of informing the public about candidates’ wrongdoings, there exist limitations in terms of its reach to the villages in Sri Lanka. We see the standard strategies of communication and community participatory approaches at play to make sure reach of these messages to the grassroots. A single could argue that today’s average voter in Sri Lanka is far better informed about corrupt politicians and the parties they represent than ever ahead of. Even so, is details alone on corruption adequate for the voter to make a decision on picking a candidate or a party?

Goodies in exchange for votes

The subsequent contention or the question that I would like to talk about is whether or not voters are ready to elect corrupt politicians, even when they are informed about their incorrect doings?

Study carried out in some Latin American nations suggests that voters may elect corrupt candidates despite becoming advised of their wrongdoings. Although the majority of voters would favor to hold politicians accountable for corruption, they do not often engage in preventing this misbehaviour, especially when politicians are able to reward their voters with public goods, patronage jobs and material benefits that other political parties or candidates do not, or can not assure. We have witnessed the offer of material goods in exchange for votes in Sri Lanka over the last handful of decades and this seems to be widespread in creating democracies.

Each the UNF and the UPFA are promising economic improvement, good governance and the prevention of corruption in their manifestos. The UPFA is offering the public immense rewards, some of which are unrealistic. For instance, the UPFA has gone on record by promising a minimum salary of Rs 25,000 for public sector workers and a Rs 200,000 ‘marriage bonanza’ for couples ending up in matrimony. I will let the reader choose if they are realistic when contemplating the UPFA’s track record on public spending. Interestingly, some people whom I spoke to in the course of my travels in Sri Lanka stated that they had happily accepted material goods from the Rajapakse strongmen during the final presidential campaign, but had voted for the opposition candidate. According to the literature on redistributive politics, politicians could advantage from targeting non-aligned or these not devoted to a celebration when supplying ‘goods’ to people and groups in exchange for votes.
In terms of the forthcoming parliamentary election, the evaluation of the final outcome will inform us if voters have rewarded corrupt politicians in exchange for goodies received. Voting for a corrupt celebration or a candidate is not restricted to accessing info on corruption and the delivery of public goods in exchange for votes.

Corruption and ideology

Ideology is one more critical issue that can strongly predict voting for a corrupt candidate. I am referring to voters in search of to best match their individual ideological preferences with a political celebration and candidate contesting the election. I am confident that most of us can uncover at least 1 pal or a relative who is a die-hard or staunch UNP, SLFP or JVP supporter in spite of knowledge of corruption. According to study, ideological self-identification is one of the strongest and most consistent predictors of electing your preferred candidate or party. Even so, what are the consequences when the ideologically preferred celebration or candidate is corrupt?

There arises a circumstance where voters are confronted with a moral dilemma when they have to decide on amongst honesty and ideology. Some study suggests that, in the context of possessing much less decision for the voter on credible political parties, voters might assistance corrupt parties and their candidates when they mirror their ideological political preferences. Furthermore, some voters might have robust loyalties to particular politicians or parties such that their vision is clouded and permits a type of ‘cognitive dissonance’ to arise- a psychological theory whereby conflicting attitudes, beliefs or behaviours are held.

‘Nationalism’, as a political ideology cannot be ignored when analyzing voter behavior at the next election. Some writers argue that the former president’s government was the initial to totally embrace Buddhist nationalist ideology. It&#8217s appeal was to southern voters, as he was regarded as the leader who won the separatist war. In parallel, the creation of a worry- psychosis more than any revival of the LTTE, exactly where the country may possibly be at danger again of separatism is propagated by the UPFA campaign in a manner that corruption could be ignored in the interest of the nation and nationalism. Though, this is supposed to impress, a section of Sinhala Buddhist voters ignored this notion and voted against Mahinda Rajapaksa at the final election.

Tolerating a corrupt party, rather than voting for an option celebration whose ideology is contrary to their personal, would be difficult to the voter on 17th August. Conversely, the JVP has emerged as a strong third force despite the unfavorable image suffered due to its association with violent activism in the early 1970s and late 1980s. The JVP is equally supportive of very good governance, exposing and informing the public about corrupt politicians and their wrongdoings at an unprecedented scale. With the inclusion of JVP as a third force and a reasonable party alternative, we are yet to see if ‘ideology’ will play a more or less considerable part in electing corrupt candidates at the subsequent election.

Voter turnout

Yet another area that needs exploration is voter preparedness to either switch parties or remain at home in the face of their ideologically preferred party becoming involved in a corruption scandal.
Perceptions and experiences of corruption erode voter confidence in public institutions and the political program. If voters perceive data about corruption as damaging advertising, then such data has the prospective to weaken voters’ self-confidence in their potential to influence very good governance. This might lead voters to think that voting will not advantage them and there is a strong possibility that voter turnout will lower and erode partisan attachments.

The recent political circus exactly where members of parliament switched from one particular party to an additional cannot be forgotten when analyzing ideological preferences and voter turnout. Prominent politicians such as Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Patali Champika Ranawaka, Ven. Athuraliya Rathana, M.K.D.S Gunarawdena, Arjuna Ranatunga and numerous other ex-members of parliament and Pradeshiya Sabha members crossed over from the UPFA to the UNF. Some of them had been staunch supporters of nationalism in Rajapaksa’s previous government. It was their prerogative to dissociate themselves from the alleged corrupt politicians who received nominations to contest the election from the UPFA. Even Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the previous President and chairman of the SLFP appears to be supporting the UNF campaign. According to her, the forthcoming election is not about party politics, it is merely a matter of deciding on excellent or negative politicians.

With a frequent quantity of political cross overs, specially by a voter’s preferred candidate, there would seem to be a sheer amount of confusion and disillusion for the voter to deal with. Earlier work suggests that perceptions and experiences of corruption undermines voters’ confidence in public institutions, erodes the legitimacy of the political method, reduces trust in politicians and lower voters’ confidence in their government’s ability. This may possibly either send a robust signal by ‘abstention’ at the election or improve the so-called floating vote base.

In conclusion, corrupt politicians and parties will lose support at the next parliamentary election. Despite the fact that this can be less than a single would anticipate and a lot more frequently than not with only limited consequences for remaining in office for some alleged corrupt politicians. The UPFA is contesting this election without unlimited state sources (such as state media and the capability to mobilise state institutions) to counteract adverse campaigning against it. The prime minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe’s reputation is at an all-time high and although it could be premature to state, the UNP appears to have united given that the January polls. There is disharmony among UPFA strongmen as they try to dissociate between clean and corrupt candidates within their personal celebration. President Maithripala Sirisena also seems to covertly help the UNF.

With the announcement of election benefits on 18th August, the UNF is probably to win a lot more seats in parliament than the UPFA. We are also likely to see some alleged corrupt politicians being rejected by the public and other folks elected into parliament with significantly less preferential votes than the preceding 2010 election. The JVP will also ring alarm bells, emerging as the third force.

Ultimately, it is well recognized that corruption is linked with significantly less economic development, higher inequality, poor outcomes in the areas of overall health and environment, mistrust and a discontented population. Use your franchise wisely when electing your representatives to the 15th parliament of Sri Lanka.

*Nimesh Samarasinghe [PhDc (London), MSc (London), BSc (Hons) (London), DipHE (London)] has over 15 years of knowledge functioning in the British National Overall health Service in clinical, managerial and commissioning roles. He is at the moment operating as a Consultant, assisting the State of Qatar to reform their overall health solutions. The author also has comprehensive encounter in wellness and social care and public policy-generating research.

The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) has seized a car belonging to a non-governmental organization involved in the alleged abduction of the slain national rugby player Wasim Thajudeen, according to Police sources.

This NGO is stated to have handed over this car to one more NGO run by Shiranthi Rajapaksa. At the time of Thajudeen’s death the mentioned car had been in the possession of the NGO run by her.

Meanwhile adding a new twist to the Thajudeen killing, Cabinet Spokesperson Dr. Rajitha Senaratne on Thursday mentioned that three officials attached to the Presidential Safety Division (PSD) were
allegedly involved in the murder of Thajudeen. The courts on Thursday granted permission to exhume Thajudeen’s physique. The exhumation will take location on August 10.

Meanwhile the son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and former UPFA Hambantota District MP Namal Rajapaksa has denied allegations that his family was involved in the murder of Thajudeen. He had told media that Thajudeen was a family members pal even though adding that some components were attempting to politicize Thajudeen’s death.

Thajudeen had died on May possibly 17, 2012 inside his automobile which had apparently crashed into a wall close to Shalika grounds in Narahenpita. The Police at the time mentioned that the vehicle had exploded instantly. Later the charred body of the rugby player was identified inside the automobile. The CID had recently informed courts that they had been in a position to ascertain through a fresh investigation that Thajudeen’s death was not accidental but murder.

Meanwhile issuing a statement the Asian Human Rights Commission mentioned &#8220one of the principal aims of political alter in the nation, therefore, has to be the restoration of its criminal justice apparatus – to the point that the relevant operators in these institutions will dare to execute their duty with no worry of consequences and irrespective of what ever class, caste, ethnicity, and other considerations.&#8221

We publish below the statement in complete

Exhumation of Wasim Thajudeen’s physique may possibly open an crucial page in criminal investigations

Subsequent Monday, 10 August 2015, the body of the effectively-identified rugby player and Havelock’s Captain, Wasim Thajudeen, will be exhumed on the orders of the Colombo Additional Magistrate. The Magistrate created this order on the basis of an application by the Criminal Investigations Division, which submitted reports stating that newly offered evidence suggests that Thajudeen’s death was caused by murder. Three Judicial Healthcare Officers will conduct the examination of the exhumed physique of Wasim Thajudeen.

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) understands that substantial investigations have been conducted into this case. The investigations have revealed comprehensive information about the manner in which this alleged murder has taken place, like details about the abduction the injuries caused to Thajudeen, which led to his death the manner in which a fabricated crime scene was constructed, to develop the impression of death by accident as nicely as information of the persons involved in the murder, such as the masterminds.

The initiative taken by the Criminal Investigation Division to reinvestigate the alleged murder marks a new starting in Sri Lanka, exactly where, for several years, investigation into allegations of critical crimes including murder, enforced disappearances, abductions, and the like, have been hushed up, particularly when there is suspicion of politicians or their relatives becoming involved in such crimes.

There are lengthy lists of such cover-ups prominent circumstances consist of the daylight assassination of Lasantha Wickrematunge, the abduction and disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda, the assassination of former Tamil National Alliance Member of Parliament, Nadarajah Raviraj.

The AHRC also learned that some essential breakthroughs have also been made into the abductions and the disappearance of Prageeth Eknaligoda and with regards to the assassination of former TNA MP Raviraj.

For over two decades, the Asian Human Rights Commission, with each other with several other organisations, has warned that the administration of criminal justice has been seriously paralysed in Sri Lanka due to political factors. The AHRC has also regularly warned that the political scheme unleashed by the 1978 Constitution and the paralysis of the criminal justice administration is linked. Moreover, the AHRC has regularly communicated that the the paralysis of the criminal justice program will necessarily result in a breakdown of the legal program as a entire, which will, in turn, result in a serious societal crisis.

The initiative to exhume the physique of Wasim Thajudeen, as properly as developments in numerous circumstances brought to the courts by the Economic Crime Investigation Division of Sri Lanka Police, points to the administration of criminal justice in Sri Lanka heading in a constructive path. It is to be hoped that this trend will gather strength and that investigations into each and every crime will grow to be the standard practice, as it need to be in any nation possessing the capacity to enforce the rule of law. Consequently, the AHRC cautiously, but at the same time hopefully, welcomes these initiatives and urges the whole society to assistance such initiatives.

What is often lost in discussions relating to the upcoming election is the fact that criminal investigations are matters that go beyond the interest of any specific election. In truth, the whole problem goes to the extremely core of the meaning of statehood. No state can survive if the state abandons its principal duty to safeguard its citizens from crimes. The capacity and the will to investigate crimes is a way by which the state manifests its capacity and the will to safeguard its own people.

Therefore, these criminal investigations should be looked upon not as matters of sectarian interest for or against any specific political celebration but as a matter of far greater value than the outcome of an election. Whoever may possibly win or lose an election is a matter of people’s decision, but that every government ought to defend the people by way of a viable and a genuinely functioning criminal justice technique is matter of permanent interest.

January 8, 2015, has generally been viewed as a day that created the possibility of a shift away from the type of politics envisaged through the executive presidential system created by the 1978 Constitution. Within that scheme, a government was allowed to function outside the limits of legality and, in reality, the extremely idea of the legal boundaries to power was altogether abandoned.

January eight could, however, mark only the starting of the possibility of a alter of that catastrophic scheme. The realisation of this possibility is quite an additional matter. What the citizens have a proper to hope for is that the daring initiatives getting undertaken by the Criminal Investigation Division are an indication that such an actualisation is within people’s attain.

The criminal investigators who dare to take actions to uncover crimes that have been safely buried are taking huge dangers. In such moments of transition and risk, exactly where entrenched habits of inaction are getting broken, it is the duty of the citizenry to stand up to supply the moral assistance that duty conscious criminal investigators require. Below regular situations of a functioning democracy, a criminal investigation is a matter of routine. Nevertheless, exactly where such routine has been forgotten, the creating of a new starting is a tough process. Consequently, those who are taking the initial steps in that path should get the encouragement and help of the citizenry as a entire, irrespective of whatever political opinions distinct sections of the society might hold.

Instances when politicians can mockingly ask, “We are accused of crimes, but exactly where is the proof?” are chilling occasions. When a criminal can say “prove if you can” and the relevant institutions fail to do so, the society faces a single of the most frustrating moments in its collective psyche. When people grow to be psychologically discouraged and lose their will to pursue justice for the crimes they have suffered, such a society reaches its lowest depths. And, such is the scenario of the Sri Lankan society.

One of the principal aims of political adjust in the nation, for that reason, has to be the restoration of its criminal justice apparatus – to the point that the relevant operators in these institutions will dare to execute their duty with out fear of consequences and irrespective of what ever class, caste, ethnicity, and other considerations.

By Ayathuray Rajasingam &#8211

The issue at the coming General Election is whether or not Good Governance will be given priority. Promising of a new constitution to demonstrate excellent governance would be meaningless, as any new constitutions will have to abide by the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord, unless it is abrogated by both India and Sri Lanka. The goal of the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord is to promote Provincial Participatory role to encourage very good governance and discourage the call for secession.

In a Federal method, each and every level of government has its own direct connection with the citizens. Although the power is dispersed, it is the coordination amongst the Central Government and the Provincial governments that germinates great governance. This symbolizes the protection of pluralism as effectively as the rights of the individual against an more than-powerful government. Very good governance marks the beginning of righteousness.

Federalism also protects regional interests to some extent. The advantage of Federalism is that Provinces have their capability to handle and administer the geographical places. This is been misunderstood by the JVP and other politicians that it would lead to separation and be a threat to National Safety. If they realize that creating very good decisions overtime across a spectrum of economic, social and other locations and working out power for the benefit of the people and the nation (which is excellent governance), they can’t give valid causes that Federalism would be a threat to National Security. If one particular thinks the Provincial participatory part in a constructive manner, he will comprehend that Federalism denotes solidarity. Each Provincial participatory part and good governance are interwoven. The conflict of East-West ideologies prevailing among the politicians ought to not be an obstacle. What is necessary is a reform in the political transformation that need to address towards democratization and pluralism in the nature of promoting Provincial participatory function.

If they keep away from the issue of the Provincial participatory function, it signals that they intend to mislead the public in order to conceal their corruption. This is what occurred till to date. Provincial participatory role also can give birth to the granting advantages such as pensions to non-government servants. The presence of Provincial governments administering local issues make Nations significantly easier to manage. In this context, all Provincial governments meet routinely and communicate with one particular one more through formal and/or informal means, i.e. through the departments of inter-governmental affairs, for which there can be a Minister in the Cabinet. This is 1 way of establishing a confident developing measures. In this context, the appreciating factor of Federalism is the recognition of different kinds of political problems with the creation of normal Departments of inter-governmental affairs, which could be carried out by a Cabinet Minister. But in Sri Lanka, the Central government areas restrictions in order to conceal the corruption of the Ministers and their supporters, thus sending a message of excellent governance in crisis.

Provincial participation has the qualities of bringing even the rivals of strengthening the unity of the nation for which excellent governance is a need to. Transparency is a key element of good governance. Accountability and the rule of law calls for openness and good info which permits the administrative sector to confirm functionality and compliance to law. But this element of transparency has turn out to be a query mark throughout Mahinda Rajapaksa’s regime.

Since independence, Sri Lanka was unable to rectify soon after getting opinions and views from all segments of the society without having discrimination. Even after the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord, Sri Lanka was observed unaccountable to all segments of society on account of the clumsy handling of the corrupted politicians. On the contrary, the North East Provinces have been demerged posing a question mark on great governance. For the duration of the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa poor governance manifested the inability to preserve law and order to handle the sporadic eruptions of political instability and violence. As a result it had knowledgeable suspicion from specific segments of the society and triggered a negative influence on the economic development.

If Provincial participatory role is to be offered priority for strengthening the democracy, there is no require to have a mega Cabinet. It is enough to have not much more than 20 Ministers in the Cabinet, when some segment of the society are engaged in illegal activities. The current deaths of Muslims in Syria raises an issue whether or not Islamic terrorism had encroached within the Sri Lankan communities. It cannot be forgotten that a Deputy Registrar of Persons was engaged in issuing National Identity Cards some years back as nicely as the praising of Bin Laden following their Friday prayers by the Islamic communities when the Twin Tower was attacked. As there are reported news items about the families of the deceased which left either for Pakistan or Iraq, the situation is whether the relevant authorities and some politicians are conscious of it. This is only a beginning of vulnerable youngsters becoming at threat of Islamic radicalization and ultimately drawn in to terrorism. Terrorism begins with the procedure of radicalization. A single ponders about the great governance if such politicians are given locations in the cabinet.

As the financial development was retarded by the corrupt politicians throughout Mahinda Rajapaksa’s regime, it is crucial is to uncover out the remedy to enhance the economic conditions. As such, it is important to concentrate not on the troubles, but on the possibilities which would develop a lot more possibilities to strengthen Sri Lanka. It is not late for the politicians to reconsider on Federalism which respects the locations of Provincial jurisdiction and sends the signal for the establishment of a formal mechanism for Provincial output into the development of a country. Federalism invites the Provinces to take component in international negotiations. If Ranil Wickremesinghe and Maithiripala Sirisena can take a bold step for the establishment of a formal mechanism for Provincial output, Sri Lanka require not be concerned about sending labourers to Middle-East nations and face tragedies like in the case of Rizana. Briefly Federalism is about collaboration with Provincial Governments. Such Federalism will not only strengthen the very good governance but also nullify the call for secessionist movements. It is time for Ranil Wickremesinghe to act as a Statesman and shed all variations and stretch a friendly arm towards C. V. Wigneswaran in the very best interests of the nation. Even some of the Tamil politicians in the TNA and UNP like Vijayakala Maheswaran need to don’t forget that the Parliament is a holy spot and not to deviate towards cheap politics as they are not well versed in Provincial Participatory part.

Had due importance been provided to the Provincial Governments, it would be clear that transparent decisions-generating is a important element or necessity for exploitation of Provincial organic sources in compliance with the laws of the nation. Transparent decisions make aid the public to confirm performance and encourage private sector for investments which will be helpful for the country. Transparent decisions-producing will deny room for incidents such as an assault on a Tamil engineer who exercised his duty in compliance with engineering common and the throwing of stones at the Magistrates Court in Mannar by supporters of former Minister Rishard Badurdeen are cases in point.

Canada, USA, India, Switzerland and some other Federal countries have sent the message that the concern of good governance can only be recognized in a federal structure, which guarantees the high quality life of the citizens. Political leaders in Sri Lanka which practises pluralism, have to recognize that it is in Federalism, excellent governance plays a pivotal role as a determinant element of the sustainability and strength of democracies. Each Ranil Wickremesinghe and C.V. Wigneswaran have a formidable activity of reminding the Sri Lankans that the grant of needed powers and allocation of adequate funds to the Provinces for exploiting the organic sources have become a need to, given that Provinces are accountable for their decisions and performances, which would eventually pave way for strengthening of the unity of the nation. If powers are given to the Provincial governments they can play a participatory role which once again would involve consultation in the development of policies and choices-producing in the ideal interests of the country. It is this element of Provincial participatory role that encourages both the Central government and the Provincial governments to know about the needs and priorities of the men and women of the respective Provinces and lead to excellent governance.

The technique of Checks and Balances can be demonstrated via Provincial participatory role. The distinct levels of Provincial governments and the Central Government can act as a verify on a single yet another in the exercise of political authority which is a need to in Sri Lanka. This would enable a Federal structure with a far more diverse and steady atmosphere for investment and economic improvement which would offer a new protection of the rights of the individual. Certified members of the TNA and UNP can go over on this subject and could arrive at a meaningful conclusion for the benefit of the nation, as an alternative giving promises of special programmes for financial improvement for North and East. This would mark the beginning of great governance.

Each the Sinhalese and Tamil speaking communities ought to stay away from themselves in falling prey to emotional speeches of narrow-minded politicians whose main aim is to be in power and lead a luxurious life. As Federalism leads to a greater tomorrow in a multi-racial nation, the situation before the Sri Lankans is regardless of whether good governance as promoted via Federalism would resolve the conflict by means of peaceful means, while it is history that Unitary in Sri Lanka resolved issues by means of coercion of war symbolizing corruption.

By Ameer Ali &#8211

The creation of the SLMC as a political celebration primarily based solely on religion was a historic blunder, which if not rectified quickly, will drag the Muslim community into political abyss. The foundational philosophers of SLMC were deluded by a misguided vision about the Indian Muslim League model. The tragic consequences that Muslims of India had to face and are still facing as a outcome of this ethno-religious model somehow or other missed the consideration of the SLMC founders. A crucial study of the birth and development of SLMC is a tempting field for research.

In Sri Lanka, the demographic, linguistic and financial traits that had shaped Muslim settlements, and the fact that in the 1980s when the concept of a Muslim celebration was conceptualised ethno-nationalism was currently ripping the country apart, have been assumed to be irrelevant as long as Muslims could unite beneath a religious banner and fight for their so called ‘rights’. Up to now no one particular from the SLMC has enlightened the public what these exclusive rights are. The slogan “Allahu Akbar” and nothing at all about national unity or nation’s welfare decorated SLMC rallies and Muslim voters had been hallucinated with Marx’s opiate so that they could neglect their mundane difficulties and elect megalomaniac leaders, who had absolutely nothing but self-interest in their heart to market.

What the ethno-religious politics of SLMC has achieved so far had been, firstly, to devalue the ‘politics of pragmatism’ which the pre-SLMC Muslim generation so effectively institutionalised by joining one particular or the other of the then current national parties secondly, to worsen the already deteriorating ethnic tensions in the nation and making the Muslim community (like the Tamils under the LTTE) to shed even the tiny it had gained in the earlier era thirdly, to reward incompetency, corruption and dishonesty at the expense of talent, truthfulness and dedication and lastly, to damage immeasurably the positive image that the Muslim neighborhood had cultivated more than a millennium especially amongst the majority Buddhist Sinhalese. Will the SLMC offer a record of their achievements that benefited the neighborhood, let alone the nation? Have the leaders of this party created any contribution on behalf the Muslim community to the national debate on the country’s economy, safety and improvement? All that they have completed is to bargain with their coalition partners for ministerial positions and private wealth.

The problems confronting the community are as well a lot of to enumerate. For example, there is a landless Muslim peasantry in the East whose lands have been taken away by government administrators beneath false pretensions there are impoverished villages in the Central Highlands whose little economy has suffered irreparably beneath neo-liberal economic policies there are refugees in the North and North West who are the innocent victims of a reckless civil war and who need resettlement and, there are the unemployment and homeless Muslims in the cities, who out of desperation are falling victims to predatory anti-social elements. A quantity of these problems are no doubt widespread to all communities and they have to be tackled not on a communal but national basis. That demands a leadership that can rise above petty ethno-nationalism and win recognition by all communities. Which a single of the SLMC leaders has this quality and the capacity to address the nation at huge and win the support of the majority to seek solution to Muslim issues?

In a plural democracy it is by way of the national parties and not via sectarianism that minorities can locate salvation. What ever that the Muslims have accomplished so far are the outcome of a farsighted generation of Muslim leadership that realised the futility of ethno-nationalism, joined hands with national leaders and persuaded the majority community that Muslims are constructive contributors to national wealth and they required national help. The pre-SLMC history of Sri Lanka will vouch for this reality. It was the achievement of that politics which partly prompted the late President Jayawardena to alter the constitution of the nation from the Westminster model to the current hybrid Gaullist model. The creation of the SLMC was the incorrect move to counter JR’s master stroke.

It is time the Muslim community realises the heavy price tag it has currently paid for placing their trust on SLMC. Once just before I known as for the dissolution of SLMC, but that will not occur as extended as its leaders see the private rewards they could reap from of its existence. The Muslim voters at the next election however, can reject that celebration and its offshoots wholesale and revert to politics of pragmatism. A Sinhalese or Tamil politician elected to the legislature with huge Muslim assistance will be a lot more responsive to Muslim demands than one particular from the SLMC mafia or its offshoot. The community deserves a far better leadership.

By Tisaranee Gunasekara &#8211

“Did this ever happen?” &#8211 Homer (The Iliad)

It was the defining moment of a decisive election. Mahinda Rajapaksa tries to plunge into a crowd of supporters in Akuressa to hammer a man who grabbed his hand. The video shows a visibly angry Mr. Rajapaksa, his other hand balled into a fist, prepared to take on the perpetrator of lèse majesté.

Soon following the video went viral, some Rajapaksa acolytes tried to depict the incident as a dry run for a future assassination attempt. Had the alleged finger-puller been a real or suspected enemy, he would not have escaped unscathed from the crowd. He was unharmed because the rest of the audience recognised him as a kindred spirit.

Mr. Rajapaksa stated that he felt fantastic pain (‘tharu penuna’ – I saw stars) when his finger was grabbed and there is no reason to doubt him. What is of relevance politically is his instinctive reaction to this injury. He did what anybody in a similar scenario would have accomplished, and attempted to pull his hand away. But his reaction did not cease there. He went a number of actions additional and did some thing most men and women, specifically these who are older and much more mature, would not have accomplished he raised his other hand threateningly and charged into the crowd to attack ‘the attacker’. Had his safety guards and supporters not dragged him away, the country would have witnessed the distinctive spectacle of its ex-president hammering an unknown man, in public.

That instinctive reaction tells a lot about Mahinda Rajapaksa, man and politician. He is a fighter, which was a single purpose he could beat Vellupillai Pirapaharan at the latter’s own game. He is, probably, a good decision for a nation at war, a country threatened by external or internal enemies. He is absolutely not a wise decision for a nation which is recovering from a extended and debilitating war, a country which is faced with the process of building a consensual peace. As Mr. Rajapaksa’s instinctive reaction to a perceived injury demonstrates, he is a man who sees threats and enemies exactly where there are none, a man who is prone to thoughtlessly violent options. That is precisely what this country does not need to have, at this historical moment.

Gratitude was theme of Mr. Rajapaksa’s 2010 presidential election campaign. An absolute majority of the electorate accepted that logic and voted him in. But Mr. Rajapaksa was a wartime leader and as such he was incapable of understanding, let alone handling, peacetime demands. He not only failed to implement political and socio-financial measures aimed at winning over the alienated Tamils. He implemented measures which infinitely exacerbated their alienation. Some measures had been strategic and sourced in his own project of familial rule and dynastic succession such as garrisoning the North. Some have been motivated by ideology, such as denying the existence of an ethnic difficulty and as a result the require for a political remedy. But really a couple of had been like his Akuressa behaviour, angry and vengeful reactions to a genuine or perceived injury. An outstanding case-in-point was banning the singing of the national anthem in Tamil this move was a reaction to the cancellation of Mr. Rajapaksa’s second Oxford Union Speech due to protests by Tamil Diaspora groups.

But perhaps the most deadly legacy of Mr. Rajapaksa’s aggressive politics was the antagonising of the Muslim neighborhood.

The Unending Search for Appropriate Enemies

For Lankan Tamils, the cruellest month had to be July. No defeat or tragedy which befell them was as universal as Black July. It was a common conflagration which spared no Tamil. Poor bottle-sellers and wealthy entrepreneurs, uneducated road-sweepers and highly certified experts, voters and politicians, Hindus and Christians, young and old, leftists and rightists, guys and females, every single Tamil was imperilled by it.

Final year, as Aluthgama burnt, it looked as if Black July will be repeated in June, this time with Lankan Muslims as its target. A private quarrel among a Buddhist monk, his Sinhala diver and three Muslims youths was exaggerated and depicted as an act of Muslim on Buddhist violence. As an alternative of moving swiftly to restore order, the Rajapaksa regime permitted the BBS to hold a public meeting in the middle of the simmering Aluthgama town. “In this country we nonetheless have a Sinhala police we still have a Sinhala army. Right after nowadays if a single Marakkalaya or some other paraya (alien) touches a single Sinhalese…..it will be their end,” [i] BBS reside-wire, Bhikku Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara thundered, as the police and the army watched. That is all the guardians of law and order could do, watch, simply because the energy-wielders had been on the side of the mob.

Virtually as quickly as the Eelam War was won, Sinhala-Buddhist extremist groups started inciting anti-Muslim hatred. The Rajapaksas responded with a nod and wink. In the resulting enabling environment, the BBS et al could say anything and do anything, with total impunity. Which policeman would lift a finger against the yellow-robed marauders, right after Gotabaya Rajapaksa attended a BBS function and praised BBS monks for engaging in a “nationally important task”[ii]?

Till Black July erupted, armed Tami groups, like the LTTE, had been starved of funds, arms, recruits, public sympathy and international assistance. Black July took care of every single a single of those issues, spectacularly. The rest is blood-soaked, death-raddled history.

The Aluthgama mini-riot warned that Sri Lanka was rushing headlong towards another cliff-edge, this time of religious conflict.

Deliverance came unexpectedly. Mahinda Rajapaksa held a presidential election two years ahead of time, and lost it. Deprived of state-patronage the BBS et al receded into ineffectuality. Abruptly, and with unbelievable rapidity, the air cleared as racial and religious toxicity decreased drastically. The poison did not vanish fully, but it ebbed to standard, bearable, non-threatening levels.

That alter indicated a basic truth. Anti-Muslim hatred did not come from beneath, from Sinhala society it emanated from above, from energy-wielders. Suspicion, aversion, perhaps even contempt and dislike, these feelings are organic on every side of the religo-racial divide but not murderous hate. That was an artificial construct, a deadly drama staged for political purposes. When the producer-directors were ousted from power on January 9^th, the manufactured-hate, deprived of life-assistance, died a all-natural death. Sri Lanka took a decisive step away from one more disaster and towards a largely peaceful future.

Sri Lanka is a pluralist nation. We want to create peaceful mechanisms to deal with the problems and tensions unavoidable in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society. It is the only possible path to a secure and stable future. Mahinda Rajapaksa did the opposite he turned ordinary differences into implacable divisions and tried to advantage from the resulting extremisms.

This was where Sri Lanka was headed when the presidential election intervened. This is the journey the Rajapaksas will resume if they win on August 17^th.

Protectors presuppose enemies and threats. As soon as the Tigers have been defeated, common religio-cultural differences had been repackaged as threats and yet another minority targeted as the next enemy. The anti-Halal campaign, which erupted with virulent suddenness, sowed worry and hate by the bushel, and vanished with equal suddenness, was an excellent case in point.

There is an intimate connection amongst anti-democratic politics and religious extremism. Actual and would-be despots see in intense versions of religion a weapon and a shield for their political projects. In Nigeria it was the encouragement accorded to intense forms of Christianity by the country’s military rulers which paved the way for the creation of that horror, Boko Haram. In Iraq, Premier al-Maliki’s Shia-supremacism created it possible for the IS to develop from nothingness to the monster it is today. It is an open secret that Myanmar’s military rulers are enabling/supporting Monk Wirathu and his 969 Movement. He had openly come out against Aung Sang Suu Kyi (regardless of her unprincipled refusal to condemn anti-Muslim violence) warning that chaos will result if she wins the presidency[iii].

For the duration of a keynote speech at the Kotelawala Defence Academy in 2014, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa characterised Sri Lanka as a nation confronted by a range of threats and enemies. He created distinct mention of Tamil extremists (national and international), left-wing extremists, Islamic extremists, criminal extremists, media extremists, Western extremists, anti-democratic extremists and irresponsible extremists[iv]. If the UPFA wins on August 17^th, that brand of politics, which sees an enemy in anybody who is not a servile supporter of the Rajapaksas, will return, a lot more combative and irrational than ever, determined to make sure that January eight^th does not take place, ever once again.

Character, Politics and National-fate

Mr. Rajapaksa is obviously incapable of understanding the difference amongst antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradictions. Any act, if it causes him a real or perceived injury, is observed as an act of aggression, enemy-action requiring a decapitating reaction. That was what Mr. Rajapaksa tried to do in Akureassa. He did not bother to feel or purpose he acted, and acted violently.

That was, for instance, the way he responded when then Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake incurred his wrath.

Offered Mr. Rajapaksa’s determination to take the nation back to the previous and his promises to ‘restore the rule of law’ the impeachment saga assumes a specific relevance. As US Ambassador Patricia Butenis mentioned in a classified cable (dated 24^th February 2010) Justice Bandaranaike was believed to be a Rajapaksa-loyalist[v]. A number of of her controversial decisions indicated this bias. In February 2010, Dr. Bandaranayake headed a bench which rejected Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s fundamental rights petition asking for release from detention till investigations against him are completed. The court accepted the Attorney General’s rather curious contention that till the investigation is concluded it is not feasible to establish whether there is any explanation to detain Gen. Fonseka. In September 2010, an additional bench headed by her approved the controversial 18^th Amendment, in 24 hours.

But Dr. Bandaranayake was no Mohan Peiris. She was biased but she was not an acolyte. And she did draw the line at rulings which blatantly violated the constitution. In December 2011, a bench headed by her decreed that the Town and Nation Arranging (Amendment) Bill can’t be presented to parliament with no the consent of all the provincial councils as land is a devolved subject. This controversial bill would have provided the Minister of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs the energy to take over any private land just by declaring it a ‘Protection Area’, ‘Conservation Area’, Architectural or Historic area’ or ‘Sacred Area’. Then in September 2012, a bench headed by her produced a related ruling vis-a-vis Basil Rajapaksa’s Divineguma Bill.

Within months a bogus impeachment motion was brought against her and she was hounded out of her post.

Either you are with us totally or we will destroy you totally was a key premise of Rajapaksa thinking and Rajapaksa rule.

Going by electoral statistics and trends, the UPFA will not win the upcoming election nor will it turn out to be the single largest celebration. Mr. Rajapaksa as a result will not turn into the prime minister. That is certainly fortunate, because back in power, he will plunge the nation into a series of conflicts. He will battle with President Maithripala Sirisena for energy and with the UNP and the JVP for Southern dominance. Inciting anti-minority sentiments will be a essential weapon in both these conflicts. The nation will grow to be embroiled in a chaotic scenario, as every institution (such as the military) is divided along pro-Rajapaksa and anti-Rajapaksa lines. Even the SLFP will not be spared, if the hostile treatment meted to these SLFP candidates who are not out-and-out supporters of Mr. Rajapaksa is something to go by.

Multiple confrontations, instability bordering on chaos, a country fractured beyond salvation, that is what a Prime Minister Rajapaksa will give us. He is not capable of something else.

The safety wants and issues of a country at peace are diametrically opposite to those of a nation at war. The last issue Sri Lanka needs nowadays is the return of the Akuressa Man.

---

[i] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iOxPJzlXDJs

[ii] Sri Lanka Mirror – 10.3.2013

[iii] http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/suu-kyi-presidency-bring-chaos-says-firebrand-monk.html

[iv] http://www.kdu.ac.lk/notices/news/82-events/214-sri-lanka-s-national-security-concerns-element-two

[v] https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/wikileaks-chief-justice-shirani-bandaranayake-is-a-rajapkasa-loyalist/

&#8220The most current incident of violence which took spot at Bloemendhal Road, Colombo clearly demonstrates the plans of these elements who reject the culture of good governance and their intent on winning elections by unleashing terror.&#8221 says the United National Party.

Issuing a statement the General Secretary of United National Party, Kabir Hashim mentioned &#8220The United National Celebration vehemently condemns this attack on a group of people who were peacefully engaged in Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s election campaign.

&#8220We will not leave room for retarding our efforts to establish a civilized political culture in Sri Lanka by this kind of uncivilized incidents. The Commissioner of Elections up to now has been able to conduct a peaceful election campaign inside the atmosphere of very good governance ushered in on 8th of January. It has been created attainable due to the clear stance of this government against acts of terror and lawlessness. We would like to emphatically state that we will not enable this type of cowardly brutal attacks to reverse the victory of very good governance. We request the safety establishment to initiate an immediate investigation into in this incident.

&#8220The United National Party in deep sorrow of the demise of a female party activist, who was killed for the duration of the election campaign supporting the celebration in its endeavor to consolidate the already accomplished victory of excellent governance, offers its deep condolences to the members of the bereaved family members. We also want speedy recovery to all our celebration members and other individuals who are hospitalised with serious injuries. We stress the need to be firm and not get discouraged by isolated incidents of this nature and all political parties, candidates and activists collectively act resolutely to make certain a peaceful election in the course of the next few days and attain our objective of consolidating very good governance.&#8221

The UN Higher Commissioner for Human Rights must respond right away to the yesterday&#8217s exposure by Channel four News relating to a UN initiated strategy to establish a domestic mechanism for accountability in Sri Lanka, the Tamil Civil Society Forum (TCSF) has stated right now.

&#8220The UN Higher Commissioner for Human Rights, if he is to sustain the dignity of his office, can’t be silent any longer&#8221, the TCSF stated in a statement.

We publish beneath the statement in complete

The Tamil Civil Society Forum takes critical note of the yesterday&#8217s exposure (28 July 2015) by Channel four News with regards to a UN initiated plan to establish a domestic mechanism for accountability in Sri Lanka. In a joint letter dated the 3rd of July 2015 signed by 15 civil society organizations from the Tamil majority North-East of Sri Lanka addressed to the UN Human Rights Commissioner we raised concerns about the UN in Sri Lanka&#8217s collaboration with the Government of Sri Lanka to set up a credible domestic mechanism in Sri Lanka. The concerns had been raised primarily based on a speech delivered by the UN Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka on 04 June 2015. The speech appears to have been primarily based on the UN Memo now exposed by Channel 4. In our letter we argued that these moves preempt the OISL report scheduled for release in September 2015. There has been no response to date to our letter from the UN in Sri Lanka or the Higher Commissioner&#8217s office, except for an acknowledgement of receipt from the UN Resident Coordinator&#8217s workplace. Complete text of our letter can be discovered right here.

The leaked document by Channel 4 provides for a domestic mechanism to be run by the Government of Sri Lanka with mere &#8216technical assistance&#8217 from the UN. We condemn and reject these moves hatched in secrecy to establish a domestic mechanism solely negotiated among the Government of Sri Lanka and the UN. The UN clearly does not see the Tamil folks as being partners in the method towards accountability in Sri Lanka, in spite of the truth the High Commissioner has repeatedly insisted on consultation with victims. TCSF has regularly maintained that establishing a credible domestic mechanism in Sri Lanka would be not possible. The UN Higher Commissioner for Human Rights, if he is to preserve the dignity of his workplace, cannot be silent anymore. He should respond quickly.

Kumaravadivel Guruparan &amp Elil Rajan
Co-Spokespersons, Tamil Civil Society Forum.

By Thrishantha Nanayakkara &#8211

I am not a political analyst of any sort nor an academic with professional expertise in politics. Nonetheless, this is the time all Sri Lankans attempt to make sense out of the country’s political history to take informed decisions. I just thought of sharing my particular thoughts about the part of the minor political parties. The glare of primary political parties frequently tends to make us overlook the part of minor opposition parties in the Sri Lankan parliament. We typically overlook that their composition and principles indicate key issues restricted to specific groups of citizens, which if neglected, can lead to social catastrophes even the majorities have to face.

I start with 1977 – 1989 parliament shown in figure 1, due to the fact it was based on a new constitution that introduced an executive presidency although keeping the republic introduced n 1972. In this parliament, United National Celebration (UNP) had 5/6 power in the parliament and the opposition was Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) with 18 seats from the North and East. The main league Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was lowered to 8 seats. President JR Jayewardene merely ignored the opposition and did what ever attainable to intimidate them. For instance, the leader of SLFP lost her civil rights, and rule of law was humiliated. When some judges have been publicly stoned by goons, the president merely said &#8211 “oh, it is individuals enjoying their democratic rights!”. TULF could not quit the parliament from passing laws to standardize education that introduced a quota for every district to send students to universities, worsening the Sinhala/Tamil media based standardization introduced in 1972. This benefited most parts of the South, but it was a huge blow to students in the North that had a great education system capable of sending larger numbers to National universities. This standardization began robust sentiments amongst Tamil students and pros living across the Globe to intensify the demand for a separate state where Tamils can take care of their personal affairs centered on a very good education method.

When I appear back at this era, I locate it difficult to think that JR Jayawardane administration chose a socialist method of introducing quotas for education, when he represented a much more capitalistic party that need to have as an alternative created the school system in the South and broadened opportunities in universities. Nonetheless, the relevance to the subject is that the opposition led by TULF was also weak to resist these moves. It only led to a loss of trust in democratic politics amongst the emerging radical Tamil youth.

JR Jayewardene administration skipped the Common election to be held in 1983. He knew that an election would price him the five/six powers in the parliament. As a result, he went for a referendum asking no matter whether the public was prepared to extend the same parliament for an additional 6 years. Apart from this energy hunger, his government had managed to intensify tribalistic politics each in the South and the North by cleverly instilling a sense of insecurity and paranoia in each communities. A tiny trigger was all that was required for a enormous racist civil blood bath. It occurred on 23rd July 1983 triggered by an ambush by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on an army troop. Sinhalese mobs killed Tamil civilians and burned their properties in Colombo at will. Not a single culprit was arrested, and it took JR Jayewardene administration 1 week to impose a curfew under stress primarily from Margaret Thatcher administration in UK. State media was higher in bashing the undue interference from the International Neighborhood. UK and India have been usually singled out. This introduced a new dimension to Sri Lankan politics – a threat of dividing the nation backed by the international community! A massive majority of Sri Lankans gobbled up this version strongly coined by state media that was under the iron fist of clever lawyer, JR Jayewardene. I am certain JR Jayewardene knew that the pressure from UK came due to lobbying of Tamil professionals in UK who were disgruntled by his policies to limit Tamil students from receiving into universities, and that from India came due to their personal perceived threat from unrests in Tamil Nadu due to refugee Tamils from Sri Lanka.

Figure-2 shows the 10th Sri Lankan parliament elected in 1989 &#8211 1994. We frequently ignore the fact that the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students (EROS) got 13 seats, and that they represented a important Tamil concern about standardization of education and ideologies of energy sharing as a solution to a lot of troubles with Colombo. It is also important to note that yet another ten seats were shared by TULF, ENDLF, EPRLF, and TELO due to mushrooming of Tamil radical parties proposing alternative views to bring in reforms. Obsessed with a clear majority power, common UNP led by president Ranasinghe Premadasa proved that the representation of the above Tamil parties in the parliament was in vein. This gave a clear legitimacy to LTTE to assassinate the leaders of the above parties in rapid succession to emerge as the sole visible force representing Tamils. We all know what befell on Sri Lanka as a consequence.

The scenario in the 1994 &#8211 2000 parliament is shown in figure-3. Note that the opposition re-organized under People’s Alliance (PA) to confront UNP, and EPDP overtook EROS in Tamil politics, which was later understood to be a shrewd but brief-sighted political maneuver of the two primary political parties to counter anti-Government Tamil politics. SLMC continued to use their block of four-7 votes to bargain with each primary parties. In this case, the primary consideration of key parties was to win SLMC and use EPDP to ignore the concerns put forward by all other Tamil parties who refused to kind coalitions with them or be proxies for them. LTTE continued to nourish on this dishonest management of the minor political parties.

The PA continued to hold power in the 11th parliament elected in year 2000 shown in figure-four. Emergence of JVP as the 3rd force (10 seats) with fragmented Tamil vote share among 4-parties (with 16 seats in total), and Sinhala Heritage with 1-seat introduced new dynamics in the minor party politics in the parliament. Even though Sinhala-Heritage won only 1 seat, it signified the solidification of Southern Nationalistic politics. JVP as well was much more aligned with Southern Nationalistic politics. This produced fragmented Tamil parties far more vulnerable to LTTE.

The result was a clear polarization of Nationalistic politics in the North and the South attracting an unprecedented level of International sympathy to LTTE led Tamil struggle. This, compounded by the economic crisis in 2000, forced another election in 2001 with a ceasefire agreement on the cards. This time UNP contested as a coalition like SLFP did in 1994. UNF got a clear mandate with 109 seats and PA was reduced to 77 seats as shown in figure-five. Even so, the president of the nation, Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumarathunga (CBK) was from PA. Note that the landscape of minor political parties changed significantly as well. JVP gained from ten seats in 2000 to 16 in 2001. All Tamil parties except EPDP got with each other to kind Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and kept their collective total at 15. EPDP was lowered to 2 from 9 in 1994.

What is noteworthy right here was that president CBK fought back, but she was left with the only choice of dissolving the parliament rather than buying a massive chunk of MPs from the ruling party, due to the fact the wedge formed by JVP and TNA with 31 seats amongst them created it unviable to go for the second choice. Nevertheless, she produced the Government significantly less desirable to best politicians in the Government get taking more than 3 crucial ministries – defense, interior, and media. She also declared a state of emergency and utilized state media, now below her handle, to convince the public that the country is in danger beneath the UNF government. When time was ripe, she dissolved the parliament in 2003.

The resulting 13th Sri Lankan parliament from 2004 – 2010 is shown in figure-6. Quite significantly, this time PA absorbed JVP to form UPFA, additional unifying southern Nationalistic leftist politics. Note that this was accompanied by the growth of Sinhala-Heritage (1-seat in 2000) to a considerable Southern nationalistic political force called Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) with 9-seats in 2004. It additional consolidated the polarization of Northern and Southern Nationalistic politics into two clear foci &#8211 one particular growing while feeding the other. It is signified by a clear rise of TNA that was often accused of representing LTTE in the parliament to 22 seats. This polarization inevitably produced breeding grounds for a complete-scale war between the LTTE and the Government.

Figure-7 shows the 2010 – 2015 parliament. This reflects the mentality of the nation following the war came to an end in 2009. We notice that EPDP was now openly a portion of UPFA. JHU also was openly absorbed to UPFA. TNA dropped from 22 in 2004 to 14 in 2010 forcing them to re-think about their character and identity in the post-war era. Often EPDP was credited for reaching this by empowering UPFA in the North. JVP that contested seperately was dropped to 7, mainly due to a lack of clarity about the distiction from UPFA in their post-war politics. Though UNF won 60 seats, a mass cross-over (typically said to be a mass buy-over) brought president Mahinda Rajapaksa two/three power in the parliament. The outcome was a jumbo cabinet of ministers (Prime Minister + ten Senior Ministers + 54 Ministers + two Project Ministers + 38 Deputy Ministers). This was made feasible by the weak wedge formed by the minor political parties (just 21 seats between JVP and TNA with none from other minor parties).

Figure -7: 2010 Sri Lankan parliament (supply https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/14th_Sri_Lankan_Parliament).

Once again, the country spiraled down the path of Nationalistic polarization. TNA grew in reputation in the North and the East, although UPFA led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa continued to thrive on Nationalistic politics with an iron fist on state media. A quantity of independent media personnel lost their lives, and ultra-Nationalistic groups like Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) enjoyed total impunity in harassing Muslims. One more ethnic catastrophe was in the formation.

Due to some magical turn of events, upbeat President Rajapaksa decided to go for the next presidential election two years in advance of schedule in January 2015. A quantity of senior ministers in the UPFA led by party secretary Maithripala Sirisena defected. The whole opposition united under the presidential candidate Maithripala Sirisena to contest against Mahinda Rajapaksa. Probably, this was the riskiest political choice taken by Maithripala Sirisena in his entire life that ended in a good results. What is important to note right here is that what was expected to finish up in an ethnic blood bath ended up in a radical shift in the politics of minor political parties. JVP openly stressed upon the need to have for National reconciliation. TNA that grew in energy in the North and East showed much more flexibility to negotiate with the Central Government. In response, the Central Government appointed a civilian as the Governor of the North and East and solved a number of issues like releasing 425 acres of army-occupied lands back to civilians by means of a method of dialog. Nationalistic JHU split into two with a tough-core Nationalistic section remaining supportive to Mahinda Rajapaksa. The other section showed improved flexibility towards reconciliation efforts.

This is the backdrop on which we are going for the basic election in August 2015. Once again, I want to stress on the significance of the minor party politics in the parliament. Whenever, a main celebration secured undue power, they chose to do divisive and Nationalistic politics brewing a polarization among North and the South. The antidote appears to be a powerful minor party block that appreciates the need to have for great governance, rule of law, democracy, and National reconciliation. Traditionally, minor standard leftist parties and the Muslim Congress have settled down to conform with the ruling celebration in exchange of ministerial positions. Therefore, that block should come from minor parties that have traditionally stood by their principles. Due to this purpose, I would dream of that block to come from TNA and JVP with a powerful will to defend above National priorities and to hold the main parties accountable for it, so that they will do much more of that politics to win over the vote base of minor parties than undertaking far more of Nationalistic and divisive politics. Having said that, I would strongly urge JVP to abandon their classic tactics of waiting till a disaster occurs to make their point, and to be a a lot more active driving force in the opposition with determination to engage positively.

The Tamil National Alliance – Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi  &#8211 Parliamentary Election Manifesto &#8211 2015

At the time of independence from colonial rule in 1948, Ceylon was foisted with a unitary variety constitution with easy majoritarian rule. In 1949 a sizeable number of Tamils of current Indian origin were disenfranchised. State aided colonization of the preponderantly Tamil Speaking territory, specifically the Eastern Province, with the majority community intensified. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) was formed as a consequence in December 1949. In this background in April 1951 the ITAK articulated its claim that the Tamil Folks in Ceylon have been a Nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every test of nationhood and have been consequently entitled to the right to self-determination. As a essential corollary to the physical exercise of this proper, we demanded a federal arrangement in the North and the East, where the Tamil Speaking Peoples are a predominant majority. In 1956 Sinhala was made the only official language of the country, once again by the use of the parliamentary majority that was offered to the majority community. Various peaceful agitations were organized amongst this time and the late 1970s to win back the right to self-determination that was lost first by means of foreign conquests and later due to a program of government that reinforced majoritarian hegemony not accepted by the Tamil Folks. Agreements had been also entered into between two Prime Ministers, SWRD Bandaranaike and Dudley Senanayake, and SJV Chelvanayakam, the leader of the Tamil Men and women in 1957 and 1965 respectively, relating primarily to the alienation of state land in the North-East, to guarantee the linguistic and cultural identity of the North-East. Each had been unilaterally abrogated by the governments of the day. In 1961 the ITAK carried out a enormous satyagraha campaign involving thousands of Tamil speaking Peoples in the North and the East, peacefully engaged in prayer resulting in the entrances to the Government Agents’ offices (Kachcheris) in the North-East being peacefully obstructed and government administration in the North and East becoming fully paralysed.

In 1970 a Constituent Assembly was formed to enact an autochthonous constitution. ITAK also participated in this exercise and urged the inclusion of provisions to share powers of governance with the Tamil Speaking Peoples in the North-East on the basis of shared sovereignty inside a united nation in maintaining with their democratic verdicts. Those proposals have been defeated by majority votes and the members of the ITAK left the Constituent Assembly. Similarly the Tamil Individuals did not grant their consent to the enactment of the 1978 Constitution. Hence the very first and second Republican constitutions possessing entrenched a Unitary State, continued with Sinhala as the only official languageand gave Buddhism the foremost place. These constituions were enacted with out the consent of the Tamil Men and women.

Systematic State-sponsored colonization was carried out given that independence in 1948 in order to adjust the demographic pattern of the North-East, which are the regions of historical habitation of the Tamil Speaking Peoples. This has continued with complete vigour in the North and the East after the end of the war in 2009. The government retains an oppressive army presence in the Northern Province and has engaged in acquiring massive tracts of land for &#8216military purposes&#8217.

In addition to the acts of discrimination, which includes standardization which affected the tertiary education of the Tamil youth and occasioned discrimination in employment in the state sector, organized violence was periodically unleashed against the Tamil Men and women in the nation in 1956, 1958, 1961, 1977, 1981 and 1983. No protection was supplied by the State to the Tamil victims. On these occasions, impacted Tamil Men and women from other parts of the country had been transported by the State by land, sea and air to the North and East recognizing these two provinces to be their homeland.
Power SHARING ARRANGMENTS

Quickly after the anti-Tamil pogram in 1983, attempts have been produced to solve the Tamil national question by indicates of an alternate political arrangement in which greater autonomy would be granted to the Tamil Speaking Peoples. An arrangement was introduced in 1987 consequent to the Indo-Lanka Accord. These alterations paved the way for the setting up of Provincial Councils with minimal powers, and promises had been produced at the highest levels that it will be enhanced upon. Several such attempts resulted in the 1993 Mangala Munasinghe Select Committee Proposals during President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s term, the Government&#8217s proposals for constitutional reform of 1995, 1997 and 2000 beneath President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and the APRC multi-ethnic expert committee majority report in December 2006 under President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Whilst no progress was getting created on the political front to resolve the burning national issue, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) continued its armed struggle. Successive governments entered into negotiations with the LTTE and in February 2002 the LTTE and the Government of Sri Lanka signed a Ceasefire Agreement and later in December 2002 agreed on a set of principles named the Oslo Communiqué, which stated  “[T]o explore a remedy founded on the principle of internal self determination in places of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking Peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.”

MILITARY ONSLAUGHT AND ITS AFTERMATH

Nevertheless, the ceasefire did not last and hostilities broke out among the government forces and the LTTE with the military confrontation coming to an end on 19th May 2009. The 30 year old hostilities and war has ravaged the Tamil speaking North-East and left the Tamil Individuals destitute. More than One Million Tamils have fled to other countries for security and yet another half a million Tamils were displaced inside the country. Over One particular Hundred and Fifty Thousand Tamils have been killed over the years of the conflict and credible estimates point to more than seventy thousand civilians obtaining been killed in the last stages of the military onslaught. Many far more have been maimed and grievously injured and endure from traumatic disorders. In addition over 500,000 Tamil people have been rendered homeless. Most have been interned in detention camps against all civilized and international norms. The appropriate of resettlement of these individuals in their original areas, even though promised to the international neighborhood and to the United Nations, have not been honoured.

TAMIL Individuals AND THE PRESESENT CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS

We, the Tamil Men and women of Sri Lanka are a distinct Individuals in terms of relevant International Conventions and Covenants. We as a Individuals want to continue to live in our nation in peaceful co-existence with others, with dignity and self-respect, with freedom and liberty and with out worry, as equal citizens free from majoritarian hegemony.

We as a Individuals are as a result concerned about our historical habitats, our Collective Rights that accrue to us as a Individuals and as a Nation and our entitlement to workout our proper to determine our destiny to make certain self-government in the Tamil Speaking North-East of the nation inside a united and undivided Sri Lanka.

The present constitutional arrangements in this regard have proved to be inadequate and unsatisfactory. They favour the majority and impose majoritarian hegemony on the Tamil Men and women. Democracy in a plural society cannot function effectively without a constitutional framework that offers for equity, equality, justice, peace and security. It is in this context that we face the forthcoming Parliamentary Election.

The TNA firmly believes that sovereignty lies with the People and not with the State. It is not the government in Colombo that holds the right to govern the Tamil Men and women, but the Men and women themselves. In this regard the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka is flawed in that power is concentrated at the Centre and its Agent, the Governor. Our political philosophy is rooted in a fundamental democratic challenge to the authoritarian state. We made a important contribution towards the achievement of these objectives on the 8th of January 2015 in the entire country. Our political programme is therefore rooted in the needs and aspirations of all folks including the Tamil Speaking Peoples for justice and equality.

OUR STAND ON A POLITICAL Resolution

The principles and specific constitutional provisions that the TNA considers to be paramount to the resolution of the national question relate mainly to the sharing of the powers of governance by means of a shared sovereignty amongst the Peoples who inhabit this island. The following salient characteristics of power sharing are fundamental to achieving genuine reconciliation, lasting peace and improvement for all the Peoples of Sri Lanka:

• The Tamils are a distinct Folks with their personal culture, civilization, language and heritage and from time immemorial have inhabited this island collectively with the Sinhalese People and other people
• The contiguous preponderantly Tamil Speaking Northern and Eastern provinces is the historical habitation of the Tamil Individuals and the Tamil Speaking Peoples
• The Tamil Men and women are entitled to the proper to self-determination in keeping with United Nations International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and Financial, Social and Cultural Rights, both of which Sri Lanka has accepted and acceded to
• Power sharing arrangements must continue to be established as it existed earlier in a unit of a merged Northern and Eastern Provinces based on a Federal structure. The Tamil speaking Muslim historical inhabitants shall be entitled to be beneficiaries of all energy-sharing arrangements in the North-East. This will no way inflict any disability on any People.
• Devolution of power on the basis of shared sovereignty shall be over land, law and order, enforcement of the law so as to make certain the security and security of the Tamil Folks, socio-economic development like inter-alia overall health, education, higher and vocational education, agriculture, fisheries, industries, livestock development, cultural affairs, mustering of resources, each domestic and foreign and fiscal powers.
• Direct foreign investment in the North-East should be facilitated resulting in new industries and employment opportunities becoming developed for youth
• Avenues for tertiary education ought to also be set-up so that those who can’t enter universities can pursue greater education in relevant fields

All that has been stated above shall be enacted and implemented inside the framework of a united and undivided Sri Lanka.

OUR STAND ON ACCOUNTABILITY AND RECONCILIATION

Accountability and reconciliation are basic to genuine and permanent peace in Sri Lanka. We seek fulfilment of the resolutions adopted at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in March 2012, March 2013, and March 2014 and the Report of the international investigation mandated by the March 2014 resolution to be released in September 2015. We are strongly committed to the ascertainment of the truth which have to be created public and recognized to all the peoples of this nation, the Sinhalese, the Tamils, the Muslims and other individuals Truth, justice, reparation and the guarantee of non-recurrence are basic to the national query getting comprehensively addressed so as to guarantee permanent and genuine reconciliation among the diverse peoples on the basis of justice and equality.

MATTERS OF Instant CONCERN FOR THE TAMIL Men and women

In addition to continuing to pursue a just and lasting political solution to the national ethnic query, we will actively engage in addressing the quick and present issues of our Folks. The specific matters are as follows:

• There must be meaningful de-militarization resulting in the return to the pre-war scenario as it existed in 1983 just before the commencement of hostilities by the removal of armed forces, military apparatuses and High Safety/Restricted Zones from the Northern and Eastern Provinces. This is imperative in the prevailing calm and peaceful environment
• Tamil Men and women who have been displaced in the North and the East due to the conflict need to be speedily resettled in their original areas housing supplied and livelihoods restored in a manner that respects their dignity &#8211 After the defeat of the former regime in January 2015 and due to the persistent and indefatigable efforts of the TNA over the past several years and since January 2015, decisions have been taken by the new regime for the return of the lands to and the resettlement of the displaced Tamil Folks in Valikamam in the North and Sampur in the East which are becoming currently implemented. Action will be expeditiously pursued to fulfil these objectives. 1,000 acres of farm land has also been released in Keppapulavu in Mullaithivu.
• Because six years have elapsed right after the conclusion of the war, all political and other prisoners held below the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in relation to war-related activities have to be released. The TNA has been pressing for their release and for the abrogation of the PTA and will continue to strenuously pursue this objective.
• There need to be finality reached by the truth becoming ascertained with regard to thousands of missing persons who had been largely bread-winners of their households and adequate multi-faceted relief offered to the mentioned families so as to enable them to overcome their agony and recommence lives.
  Tamils who fled the country should be permitted to return to their houses and a conducive atmosphere produced for their return. In particular, expeditious measures must be taken for the return of more than 100,000 refugees in South India.
• A comprehensive programme for the development of the North and the East which includes the creation of employment possibilities for the youth will be undertaken with the active help of the Sri Lankan State, the Tamil Diaspora and the International Community. It was not achievable to implement such a programme throughout the term of the former regime due to its adverse attitude and considering that January 2015 the country has not had a strong and steady government. The TNA would actively market the accomplishment of such a programme when a new government is established.
• The TNA will initiate a programme to rehabilitate all minor tanks in the North-East so as to improve the water sources for our agricultural wants and will also take severe methods, with needed specialist aid to resolve the drinking water issue in the North.
• A extensive development programme will be undertaken in the North-East, such as upgrading the Palali airport as an international airport, and building sea ports and fisheries harbours.
• Relevant knowledge and technologies will be obtained so as to modernise the utilization of our palmyrah resources.
• We will locate options for the challenges faced by our fishermen in freely pursing their vocation and make every effort to increase their livelihood.

WAR WIDOWS, ORPHANS, ELDERS AND DISABLED

The war has left behind practically 90,000 widows in the North-East. There is a need to have for a clear policy to build their capacity and uplift their lives. These widows have turn out to be economically and socially vulnerable. Adequate measures should be taken to swiftly and successfully develop livelihood programmes and other essential measures to alleviate their present situation. The wants of youngsters, elders and disabled also need to have to be addressed.

REHABILITATION OF EX-MILITANTS

The rehabilitation of ex-militants have to be complete making certain the acquisition of essential abilities and the creation of employment opportunities to allow them to recommence lives with dignity. Programmes that have been implemented hence far have been inadequate and the ex-militants have not been capable to earn their livelihood or recommence their lives with dignity. An early programme of action is necessary to address this situation.

THE BREAKDOWN OF Classic SOCIAL STRUCTURES

The current structure of government which excludes meaningful Tamil participation in powerful governance and substituting therefor the military in the North-East, post-war, has resulted in the boost of gender primarily based violence, abuse of alcohol and drugs and the common breakdown of standard social structures. The only way in which this can be remedied is via powers of governance getting efficiently exercised by democratically elected representatives of the individuals.

THE Role OF THE INTERNATIONAL Neighborhood

The Tamil Folks have often worked with commitment towards a reasonable and acceptable resolution of the national ethnic query through domestic processes. It is the Sri Lankan state which has spurned these possibilities and sought to suppress the Tamil People by way of repeated anti-Tamil pograms. It was such conduct on the part of the Sri Lankan state that internationalized the national question and compelled the Sri Lankan state to accept an international part. Tamil militancy, which also was an inevitable consequence, has now ended.
The former regime endeavoued to undo even the minimum progress achieved via international involvement. The TNA is firmly of the view that international auspices is inevitable to obtain permanent peace through genuine reconciliation thereby enabling all Peoples living in Sri Lanka to live as equal citizens.

CONCLUSION

The TNA calls upon the voters in the electoral districts of Jaffna, Vanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara to unitedly and overwhelmingly exercise their franchise in favour of the TNA, contesting below the name of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi and the “House” symbol and thereby democratically endorse, to the fullest degree, policies of the TNA enunciated right here in regard to essential problems of fundamental concern to the Tamil and Tamil speaking Peoples as set out in this Manifesto.

This Manifesto is issued by the TNA comprising of ITAK, TELO, EPRLF and PLOTE.